This essay aims to reveal the relationship between religion, freedom, and nation state powers in the early constitutional kingdom Era in Egypt. To do so, the author investigates the historical processes that resulted in Ṭāhā Ḥusayn being banished from public office by mainly analyzing parliamentary records.
In conclusion, the state powers that intervened into issues of religion and freedom cannot simply be regarded as secular political applications of state power. The form of such powers can vary according to perceptions of religion, morals, order, and law, the 1923 constitution, and the relation between state authorities. This presents a complicated image of the relationship between religion and politics in Egypt that transcends the simplistic framework by which the two were considered either segregated or unsegregated.
This study analyzes the relationship between the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) and women. Institutional gender equality is being achieved in the IDF because of a universal conscription system, social networks developed by military personnel, and the cultural function of the IDF. The context of sexual minorities in contemporary Israel also influences the IDF’s gender structure. At the same time, the IDF maintains a male-dominated gender structure because of occupational limitations within the military, obstacles to obtaining civil leadership roles following military service, and gender-cultural beliefs. The IDF also faces unique complications, including the political context of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and the influence of Jewish Orthodoxy. The Israeli-Palestinian conflict encourages the IDF to represent female soldiers as symbols of gender equality in order to obtain international legitimacy. Israel’s occupation policy of West Bank and Gaza Strip also undermines women’s status because the IDF sees male combatants as ideal soldiers. Stemming from Judaism, religious groups have caused the IDF to establish gender segregation. Finally, Judaism sometimes encourages women to join the military based on nationalistic motivations.
This gender structure influences women’s gender norms. Through survey interviews with women who served in the IDF, military service was found to function as an opportunity for women’s empowerment. This study found differences in women’s sense of empowerment depending on their social class and occupation in the military. However, this article also points out that this empowerment was restricted by the military’s gender-dichotomous norms, in which “strength” is seen as masculine and “weakness” is viewed as feminine. These norms were reproduced in the women’s assumptions about members of sexual minorites. To conclude, the achievement of institutional gender equality in the IDF strengthens and reproduces existing gender norms in contemporary Israel.
This paper primarily focuses on second-generation Kurds who are active members or leaders of Federatie Koerden in Nederland (“Federation of Kurdish Associations in the Netherlands,” hereafter “FED-KOM”) and related organizations. FED-KOM has sympathized with the policies of the Partiya Karkerên Kurdistan (“Kurdistan Workers’ Party,” hereafter “PKK”). This paper considers how Kurdish nationalism is developing in the Netherlands in the midst of the changing context of the second generation in comparison to the first generation and the reasons second-generation Kurds sympathize with Kurdish nationalism.
Kurdish nationalism as propounded by second-generation Kurds is diverse. With no option of “returning” to Turkey and with the desire to succeed in the Netherlands, the daily lives of the second generation are not directly influenced by the political issue of the independence of the Kurdish region. Consequently, while understanding the policies of the PKK, each person in the second generation freely interprets their own expression of Kurdish nationalism. Another factor that influences the sympathy of second-generation Kurds toward Kurdish nationalism is individual experiences in terms of relationships with the Turks in the Netherlands that reflect the discrimination, oppression, and political developments in their country of origin.
This paper examines the features of political repression against contentious activities in Egypt during the 1990s and 2000s. Previous research on Egyptian politics has focused on the surging of contentious activities in the 2000s. Such growth fostered new activist groups, cultivating the context in which the January 25 Revolution took place. However, this kind of research does not analyze political repression based on a theoretical framework and the use of archived materials. Consequently, we still do not have sufficient understanding of the Egyptian government’s inability to curtail protest movements’ activation. This paper contemplates this flaw.
Based on the findings of previous research on political repression, and through annual reports published by the Egyptian Organization for Human Rights (EOHR), this paper analyzes (1) political arrests; and (2) responses to contentious activities between 1993 and 2009. These inquiries revealed two findings. First, political arrests are mainly conducted against Islamist groups, especially the Muslim Brotherhood. Conversely, more secular-minded groups suffered less from political repression, which helped them play leading role in contentious activities in the 2000s. Second, characteristics of political repression have changed little over time, and the effects of any changes are not necessarily clear. This paper concludes that the political repression in Egypt during the 1990s and 2000s was ineffective to control contentious activities.
In the People’s Republic of China, Muslim minority nationalities generally enjoy certain privileges such as daily religious activities, pilgrimage, the Islamic Feasts, burial, halal slaughter since 1949. Although Muslim minorities had suffered from the political oppression mainly during the Cultural Revolution, halal slaughter has never been prohibited by the government. Halal slaughter continues to be performed only by ritual specialists in Hui Muslim communities. Prior to 1949 there used to be a ritual specialist called a “knife ākhund” who was responsible for slaughter according to the Islamic law. Even now, while most Hui locals prepare for sacrifice on the Feast of Sacrifice, they never slaughter a victim for themselves because of the avoidance of killing animals. Thus, the slaughter has been marginalized as a highly professional practice in Hui Muslim communities. Furthermore, due to the socialization, most locals have lost an opportunity to slaughter an animal in daily life. Consequently, halal slaughter faces extreme marginalization in Hui Muslim communities. In this paper I examine the marginalization of slaughter by focusing on the techniques of slaughter, ritual specialists, and the socialization of slaughter industries.
The estimated number of Muslims living in Japan was 200,000 in 2018. This is evident in the various sociocultural and religious activities of Muslims affiliated with the mosques and independent Muslims. The Research Office of Asian Societies, Faculty of Human Sciences, Waseda University conducted a “Social Survey on Naturalized Muslims” in November 2018 and received responses from 40 Muslims. In this paper, after introducing the survey process, we will examine the socioeconomic status of Muslims, the neighboring local societies of Muslims, etc. Additionally, further investigation will be carried out in regard to their national identity and religious practices. In conclusion, we will discuss the various types of national identity of naturalized Muslims as well as the religious practices conducted by Muslims living in Japan.
This article aims at providing an inventory of the available source material concerning the Islamic Fraternity, the first journal in Japan that was published by Muslims and dealt predominantly with Islamic topics. The journal was founded in 1910 in Tokyo by the Bhopali Indian Muhammad Barakatullah and the Egyptian Ahmad Fadli, in all probability with the assistance of the Japanese military. Although the journal’s publication was suppressed by the Japanese government in 1912, during the two and a half years of its existence it managed to attract a considerable degree of attention across the globe. Up to now, however, only two issues of the journal were known to researchers, and most information had to be drawn from British-Indian colonial documents. This article points to a number of further surviving issues that can be located in different archives, surviving issues of its short-lived successor journals, as well as various traces that the Islamic Fraternity has left in the press of its time. Taken together, these are valuable resources to develop a better understanding of early twentieth century exchanges between Japan and Muslim communities in Asia as well as the history of Islam in Japan.
This study aimed to explore how Muslim images differ in Japan and Korea. These two countries have similarities and differences in terms of the social circumstances surrounding Muslims. In this context, we aimed to investigate how these similarities and differences at the social level are reflected in Muslim images at the individual level. The data collected from 330 Japanese and 339 Korean participants were analyzed with a statistical method called structural equation modeling. The analysis revealed two similarities and two differences in Muslim images in Japan and Korea. As for similarities, this study showed that 1) an equivalent three-factor structure (“negative image,” “positive image,” and “piety image”) could be observed in both Japan and Korea, and 2) “negative image” and “positive image” did not show a significant difference. As for differences, it was shown that 1) the score of “piety image” was higher in Korea compared to Japan, and 2) while the relation between “positive image” and “piety image” was negative in Korea, this relation was insignificant in Japan. Possible reasons for these similarities and differences and how these findings facilitate future research were further discussed.