P changes or duplicates JE narrative by using his own terminology. On a close look at some of P's narratives concerning Moses, we find that P had a definite purpose in emphasizing the role of Aaron in addition to that of Moses.
The seat of the Davidic dynasty, which was promised to be everlasting, came to an end on account of infidelity to Yahweh. It will be the community of the faithful under the leadership of Aaronite priest, who are to perform the cult described by God at Sinai, that will replace the Davidic kingdom. The authentic line of the priestly house of Zadok finally won the long-lasting competition with that of Siloe.
P's geneology reflects his scheme based on his world-view and also traces his lineage back to Adam who was made after God's image (G. 5:1) to prove the authenticity of priestly prerogative.

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Le caractère de la société et de la culture de l'Arabie du Sud ancienne, qui florissaient depuis plusieurs siècles au bord du Sayhad désert, a commencé à changer de diverses manières vers le milieu du premier siècle de notre ère. L'un des principaux changements est la bédouinisation de cette région où dominait jusque là la population sédentaire agricole.
Ici, noun avons essayé d'examiner tous les exemples du mot 'rb (''rb) dans les inscriptions sud-arabes anciennes pour aborder une étude sur la bédouinisation de l'Arabie du Sud. Mais la petitesse de cet article nous a forcés à nous borner à citer les exemples par ordre de priorité. Pour les discuter en détail, nous avons l'intention de publier un autre article.
Suivantes sont les inscriptions contenant dedans le mot 'rb (''rb):
CIH 79/9-10; 343/14; 350/9; 353/10; 397/8; 541/49, 65
Gl 1177/5, 7
Ir 12/2, 3; 32/7, 12
Ja 560/10; 561 bis/11, 12-13, 13; 629/7-8, 33; 635/34; 665/2, 3, 13; 671/10; 739/9; 758/9; 950/2; 961/2; 1028/7; 2110/9
NaNAG 13-14/1, 2, 3
Ry 507/2, 8, 9; 508/7; 509/9; 510/4-5, 7-8
Sh 32/11, 14

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Nikudaris was a band of people who lived in the district of Ghazna and used to make invasions into the provinces of Sistan, Kerman and Fars to the west and Multan, Lahore and Dehli to the east in the 13th and the 14th centuries. Originally they were belonging to the Ulus of Juchi, but later they were commanded by the princes descending from Chaghatai.
I have come to the conclusion that they were belonging not to the three princes Balaghay, Tutar and Quli, who had been dispatched by Batu from the Ulus of Juchi to join Hülegü's campaigns in Iran and died successively in the II-khan's court, but to the army who had settled in the Indo-Iranian frontier by the order of the Great Khan Ögedei.
For one reason, I find in eastern Iran no trace of the army of abovementioned princes after the conquest of the Assassins and the Abbassids.
Then, Marco Polo, who traveled through the districts of Kerman, , Rudbar and Hormuz in about 1272, reported that their soldiers were of mixed bood, which was impossible to happen to those of the three-princes who arrived in Iran with Hülegü.
Thirdly, they were called as Nikudaris or as Qarauna (s) s replaceable with each other. The latter was a name given to the descendents of the army settled in the Indo-Iranian frontier by the order of Ögedei.
In 1261/2 they fled from Hülegü's search and went to the city of Mastung led by Nikudar (or Negüder) Noyan. Later they came in submission to the Chaghataid princes. In 1262/3 it was reported to the court of prince Töbshin that Shams al-Din Kurt of Herat was willing to join the Chaghataids and Nikudar. At that time Algu Khan of the Ulus of Chaghatai invited the commanders of the Indo-Iranian frontier army, but no one from the Nikudaris was cited. Then we find Junjudar Noyan, one of the chiefs of the Niktidaris was appeared in the vicinity of Zaranj, the capital city of Sistan. Before 1271 some of the Chaghataids were settled in Sistan and before 1272 the Nikudaris began to attack Rudbar. Their commanders were Chaghatai's great grandson Mubarak-Shah, his son Öljei-Buqa, Chaghatai's grandson Mochi and his son Qutlug-Khoja.

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One of the characteristic features of the medieval ‘ulama’ was their high geographical mobility. Pilgrimage, travelling for academic purposes and commercial activities, sometimes a combination of some or all of these, were its important factors while many ‘ulama’ were attracted for better job opportunities in other places.
A need for Sunni ‘ulama’ in Egypt was first created by Saladin when he destroyed the Fatimids and began to rebuild Sunnism in Egypt. During the Ayyubid and early Mamluk period more ‘ulama’ flowed into Egypt from different parts of the Islamic world. Among them were many from the Islamic West. Even during the Fatimid period there was a connection between Western and Egyptian ulama i n the fields of hadith and Maliki law studies.
Those Western ‘ulama’ can be classified into two types; one was the transit type and the other the settler type. Those belonging to the first contributed to the exchange of scholarship, bringing to Egypt some of Western achievements and back home more knowledges and skills from the East. But more important was their contribution to the promotion of the general feeling of Islamic unity and solidarity by teaching the population both of Egypt and the West through their contacts with local ‘ulama’ and their other travelling experiences in other lands.
The contributions of the second type was more concrete; many Maliki fuqaha' who came to Egypt and lived there permanently played a significant role in establishing the Maliki law school there by working as teachers and sometimes as qadis. In other fields of scholarship, many individual scholars from the West made great contributions; to name a few, al-Shatibi in the qira'a, al-Qurtubi in the tafsir and Abu Hayyan in the philology. Another point we cannot neglect is that the western ‘ulama’ in Egypt were mostly Sufi is or zahids and helped the diffusion of sufism in Egypt.
All in all, they were the beneficiaries of the general feeling of Islamic unity and they themselves in turn strived to promote and materialize this feeling.

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