In this paper, we examine the possibility that the royal object ritual—a type of funerary ritual deeply connected with the hourly vigil, which is a crucial point of Osirification—was performed strategically in the Middle Kingdom of Egypt. The object friezes on early Middle Kingdom coffins depict the objects offered during this ritual, such as scepters and weapons. These objects have been retrieved especially from late Middle Kingdom tombs as actual burial goods. However, the assemblage of objects and the method of ritual performing remains unclear.

In the first part of this paper, we analyze the object friezes on 83 coffins, which clarifies that certain sets of objects appear on coffins called type 2 and the arrangement of objects in a specific pattern emphasizes offering objects repeatedly to the deceased in the coffin. In the second part, we study several tombs where actual objects associated with the royal object ritual have been found and demonstrate that this ritual performed in the tombs has a similar structure to the type 2 coffins in terms of the assemblage and placement of objects. Finally, we conclude that the royal object ritual was planned to be repeated through the arrangement of the objects although the device changed from the depiction on coffins to the actual burial goods. Unlike the food offering ritual, which was performed repeatedly on the ground after the funeral, the object offering ritual took place only once at the funeral. It is noteworthy that the repetition of the royal object ritual was strategically incorporated into the funeral, which occurred only once, by establishing the structural ritual place. Repeating the royal object ritual implies that the hourly vigil was also repeated, which was believed to achieve the resurrection of the deceased for eternity.

Muḥammad ibn Sulaymān al-Jazūlī (d. 869/1465) is a prominent Sufi in 15th century Morocco. Contemporary sources on al-Jazūlī are scarce, and previous studies have depicted him based only on biographical accounts written more than two centuries after his death. Researchers have claimed that he was influenced by Shiite thought or that he was a leader of the jihad against Portugal, without referring to his multiple works. Although recent studies have reconsidered some aspects of his character, the examination of al-Jazūlī’s writings is still insufficient. In this study, I aim to shed light on his being a theologian, an aspect which has been neglected until now, and then reconstruct his personality through an examination of his theological works. First, by comparing his understanding of God’s attributes in Taʾlīf fī al-tawḥīd and ʿAqīda fī al-tawḥīd with that of Umm al-barāhīn by al-Sanūsī (d. 895/1490), a representative theologian of the Ashʿarī school of the same period, I show that al-Jazūlī’s theological thought was not influenced by Shiite thought and that he was a follower of the Ashʿarī school, which was the Sunnite majority in the Maghrib. Next, from the descriptions of ʿAqīda al-walī al-ṣāliḥ Sīdī Muḥammad ibn Sulaymān al-Jazūlī, it becomes clear that, while al-Jazūlī’s writings do not show hostility towards Christians and any intention to lead a jihad as alleged by previous studies, he thought the decadence of Islam in Moroccan society at that time was a grave problem and thus tried to provide basic Islamic education for the people to improve the situation. His enthusiasm for preaching the people is vital in clarifying the formation process and activities of the Jazūlite Sufi Order after the 16th century.

This paper attempts to demonstrate that views of Ḥanafīs on istibdāl, the exchange of a waqf property, from the 15^th–16^th century Egypt contain a tension between doctrine and social reality. In light of Islamic law, waqf was required to serve its intended purpose permanently, but in real life, depreciation of properties was inevitable. Thus, istibdāl is one of the ways that made it possible for waqfs to continue without infringing Islamic law.

Within the framework of waqf studies, recent research has examined the condition of each waqf property and beneficiaries in detail based upon waqf-related documents. In contrast, it seems that istibdāl has thus far attracted little academic interest. With most of the profitable real estate in urban areas being waqf, jurisprudents in 15^th–16^th century Egypt were faced with the question of how they could manage the deterioration of waqf properties while attending to their legal status. Although they were reluctant at first to legalize it, istibdāl was one answer to the unexperienced problem of excessed waqfs.

From the above-mentioned perspective, this paper depicts the notion of Ibn Quṭlūbughā (1399–1474) and Ibn Nujaym (1520–63) toward istibdāl by referring to their risālas. Ibn Quṭlūbughā recommended that qāḍīs play a positive role in protecting the interest of donors and beneficiaries if it was threatened by external factors such as disaster or usurpation. Ibn Nujaym, on the other hand, insisted on limiting qāḍīs’ excessive authority over legitimizing istibdāl by refuting al-Ṭarsūsī’s (1321–57) opinion that a qāḍī’s ruling takes precedence over an endower’s stipulations. The gap between their statements stems from the fact that the measures required to perpetuate existing waqfs differed in each time. The doctrine was not always applied uniformly, and a new solution was devised by changing its interpretation if it substantially diverged from the social reality.

As environmental problems have become ubiquitous and perceivable in Iran, increasing numbers of individuals and institutions have recently joined the discussion about ways to confront the problems. Most notably, environmental experts trained in natural science disciplines play a leading role in researching, designing, and implementing environmental policies at the national level. Despite their intensified eorts in science programs, however, Iran continues to struggle with environmental challenges in recent years. Against this background, the government is looking for alternative ways to complement their scientific endeavors in order to further mitigate detrimental effects; they are now beginning to cooperate with religious leaders to address issues of the environment, especially from the perspective of Islam.

The field of the environment has distinctly become an intersection of knowledges of both science and religion, the disciplines of which have been studied by social scientists with attention to the relevant discourses, practices, and institutions embedded within a historically-situated, local context.

The present work explores how Islamic debates concerning the environment unfold in contemporary Iran, where the status of science is also prominent. Drawing on the case study of a meeting in which environmental experts and religious leaders participated and exchanged views about environmental problems, it demonstrates how the rationales of Islam and science are communicated and developing among them in order to cope with environmental problems.