Reviewing and correcting to a small extentmy previous paper on the migration and transformation of Graeco-Roman story to the Far East(Daiwa 大和, Jan.1948, 28〜33), I have introducedhere more stories of similar kind prevalent in China under the T'ang dynasty. Their texts were not cited in may said paper, only the titles and literay sources having been mentionedthere. I give her their full texts in Japanese translation. Most stories treated in my article of 1948 may be counted as belonging to the story like Herableis, a Virtuous Window of Tarentum, told by Aelianus in his Historia Naturalium VIII : 22. Beside these there is a story of another type, i. e., the Story of Mo yao 莫徭 of Szeechuan. He rescued an elephant severly suffering from a stab on its sole and the animal was so grateful for its escape that it rewarded MoYao with a big ivory. This story may be regardedas having more or less relation to the Roman tale of Androcles and a Lion. The three newlyadded tales in the present note do not seem to have direct connection with the story of Androclestype, but they may still be taken as examples of this story-group of grateful animals which have their origin in the classical West, although they are much transformed in their plot. Anyhow the stories themselves may be of interst for the students of folk-tales in general.

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The Japanese Society of Etlmology held a tour of investigation during the period of July and August, 1938 for the purpose of surbeying the culture of the Northern peoples. It was the secood tour for the same purpose. The members of the tour were divided into two groups. The one was of ethnology and the other was of archaeology. The writer of this reoport joined the formaer group with Prof. Kiyoto Furuno (古野清人) and Prof. Akiyoshi Suda (須田昭義) and engaged in an anthropological and ethnological investigation into the aborigines of Saghalien (Karafuto) including the Oroks, the Gilyaks, and the Ainu of the west coast of the island. During the tour, se collected various kinds of tools used by these aborigines and filmed their every bay life with a 16m/m camera. The report here by introduced in the Japanese language is the writer's note on the above-mentioned matters used when he made an address at the meeting of The Minzokugaku Kenkyujo (The Ethnological Research Institute), an affiliated organization to The Japanese Society of Ethnology, held in May 1939. The note was made according to the talks given some Orakan menand women at Shisuka-Machi (敷香) including Washiraika (Wakichi Kitagawa, a man of 41 years old as of 1938) and an interview with Mr. and Mrs. Kawamura (川村秀弥) who were, at that time, working as the teachers at the Otasu Aborigines, Primary Schoo1. The writer's note covers the matters about the things that are necessary for their everyday life such as clothing, cooking, housing, fishing and hunting. There were many matters which would have been written in the note and were left out. Such matters will be introduced some other time. The writer is much in debted to Mr. Jiro Ikegami (池上二良), a linguist in representing the Orokan dialect in phonetic signs and appending notes to this report.

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This essay is based on the data of my field work in Sikkim carried out from 1st, Feb, 1955 to 31st, March, 1955. The present Sikkim plural societies are composed of mainly the following three peop1es; native Lepchas, Bhutias who migrated from Tibet and Bhutan in the 17th century and Nepalees who have constantly migrated from Nepal since the end of the 18th century. These three peoples are quite differentfrom each other in language, culture, social structure and religion. The present distributionof these three peoples in Sikkim are shown inMap2p, 19. The analysis wllich I deal with is arranged in two ways: problems in contacts between Lepchas and Bhutias and the same between Lepchas-Bhutias and Nepaless. Chapter II, which follows Chapter I, Introduction, deals with the formation of the Sikkim kingdom by the immigration of Bhutias from Tibet. The analysis of the early part of the History of Sikkim gives us ample information onintersting agpectg of the early contacts between native Lepchas and Bhutia immigrants and of the Tibetanization of Sikkim through Lamaism, which later became the political and cultural pattern of Sikkim. Chapter III gives the general economic backgroundof Sikkim, with the land system andcondition of cuitivators in past and present. The Sikkim land system was a kind of a fudalisticone before the land reform of 1951. The land was granted to the subjccts by the Maharaja asa reward for distinguished service and once granted land was succeeded hereditarily. These traditional land owners (whether they may bebhutia or Lepcha) were called kazi (aristocrats)and they were usually ministers or governors ofthe Sikkim Govemment. A feud usually contains several villages. The villagers are cultivators, whose status was that of a kind of slaves andthey were the subjects of their landlords. The method of cultivation in Sikkim was a shifting one but since the end of the 19th century it has changed gradually into the present method, terraced wet cultivation. Chapter IV is the study of the fullction of the Gompa (Lamaistic Monastery) and the descriptionand the characteristics of three different typesof plural societies in Sikkim where I had fieldwork: Phodang, Phensang and Pabyuk. Thereare 35 bigger monasteries in Sikkim registered at the Religious Ministry of the Sikkim Government. Each of these registered monasteries hasits area (parish) which includes several villages. Villagers of each paris11are called Zindha whichmeans those who have socialand religious protection from the Gompa, and at the same time have the duty to give economic aid (in kind, in cash and in labor) occasionally. The lives of the villagers are almost entirely regulated by the Gompa's activities. Villagers and a Gompa are closely interdependent on each other. However, the Gompa is not an independent institution, since Lamas have their families in the villageand they live in their houses not in the Gompa. The followings are three types of commmitiescentered on a Gompa, each of which represents a type of different Sikkim plural communities. A. PHODANG. This is one of the areas whereBhutias are dominant in Sikkim. The distribution of the household near the Gompa is shown in the Map. p.35 All of them (19 households) are of the Lams' families. This Lamas' community issurrounded by Bhutia laymen's communities which are included in the parish of the Phodang Gompa. These 19 Lamas' families which residenear the Gompa are divided into six differentlineage segments, each of which is closely related through kinship ties to the people of the Bllutiavillages round.

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Miomote is one of the most remote and isolated mountain villages in Japan. It is located in a small circular valley surrounded by mountains, on a terrace of the Miomote River, ca. 20 km east of Murakami and north of Oguni, in the north east part of Niigata Prefecture. The name of this village, Miomote, comes from the fact that the village consists of three families, the KOIKES, TAKAHASIS and ITOS -mi means three and omote, meaning face, is used here as "family" or "family name". The inside of this village had scarcely been known to the people of the neighbouring villages, because of the dense forests and the steep ravine of the Miomote River which have formed a barrier to easy access. Led by KOIKE Oinosuke, the patriarch of the KOIKE families and the Master of this village, the people of Miomote are said to have enjoyed their peaceful, utopia-1ike existence for many hundreds of years. Traditition tells us that the villagers have never had battles, struggles, quarrels, punishable crimes or even love troubles, after settlement of the ancester of the KOIKES as village head master many hundreds of years ago. This may be true, but to those who have doubt, that the villagers have never experienced animosities arisen from love affairs, it may be pointed out that they may have ideas about sex which are somewhat different from those we have today. Their sense of love is very natural and free in a way. Even now, often girls of the age of 15 bear children and then marry men diffdrent from those who have fathered their children. It is usual that a man has 1 or 2 Iovers besides his wife and his wife also has her own lover or lovers besi des her husband, although the villagers dislike to talk with others openly about sex. When questioned, they usually change the subject. Abundant game and alluvial gold in the stream seem to have provided a peaceful existence. As these natural resources were gradually exhausted and village life became poorer and poorer, the Reformation of Meiji (1868) fortunately occured and the village was obliged to open its door to outsiders. Until that time, as mentioned above, the village had been entirely shut otit from the outside for both natural and political reasons. No one was allowed to enter and stay there by the law of the feudal lord of the village. After the opening of i ts doors, young people of other villages married into this village one after another. The number of people who entered and settled in the village was ca. 45 in a period of some 90 years and their descendants iving today humber 112; the entire populations now 200 and the rate of mixture is ca. 24%. The old mode of life is scarcely seen there today. The villagers now live in houses of the same style as that of neighbouring villages since those of the old style were burned by soldiers of Yonezawa at the time of the Restoration. They wear dresses similar to those of their neighbours. Formerly, till some 30 years ago, they dressed in home-made hemp clothes. We saw one of these garments which was used for hunting until 20 years ago. A canoe made from a horse-chestnut tree still remains today and is used by children for playing in the water (see plate 5). We saw a broken, stone bathtub with no side oven (made of sand-stone) abandoned by the wayside. A considerable amount of chestnuts and horse-chestnuts are eaten even now to supplement their staple food.

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The fact that the materials of knots are peri-shable and rarely found in their inherent or fossil forms makes the research on their historical development very difficult. The author gathered many varieties of knots used by uncivilized peoples and analyzed them. The conclusion is as the following: (1) In proportion to the civilization level, the kinds of knots among the given people increase in number. (2) Even when a new kind of knot was invented, other older knots are not rejected. (3) The knots very frequently in use among many peoples are " Single-knot " and " Reef-knot ". (4) It is clear that " Single-bow-knot " is used very frequently in northern part of the world and " Weavers'-knot " and " Granny-knot " in southern part, while " Inserting " is found wide spread in both parts. Such a divergence is derived from the difference in the kinds of string materials which are produced respectively in both parts of the world.

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Hollowed pebble is defined in this article as a round water-worn pebble with a depression on one or both sides. It is commonly found in the shell-mound sites of prehistoric Japan and Ryu-kyu Islands. The writer recently pointed out that this type of stone tool may be regarded as one of the characteristic features of the shell-mound culture found in the central part of the west coast of Formosa ; but none has been found from the shell mounds of the northern part of the island, such as the one excavated at Yuan-shan. In this mound, bivalve shells were mainly consumed. So it seems reasonable to consider that the hollowed pebble is related only to a certain kind of shell-mound cultures. The opinion of scholars is divided about its use. The writer has recently found that the satne type of stone pebble is still used by the Ami people, a coastal tribe of East Formosa. Well-shaped, fiat round or ovoid, pebble of hard sandstone is usually picked out from the coastal beach by the Ami, and used as an anvil for pot-tery making, or as a hammer to break the uni-valve shells. The pebble used for the former purpose has no depression oh either side, it is called amol; while the latter named sa-toktok (hammer) has marked depression on both sides. The bivalve shell・fish is opened by boiling in water and there is no need to break it with an either hammer, whereas most of univalves whose shells are hard, are placed on a flat stone and hammered by the broader side of the sa-toktok in order to extract their meat. These observations made among the Ami may help to solve some archaeological problems : most of the hollowed pebbles found in the shell mounds probably were used for the same purpose as that of the Ami ; this tool was mainly employed to break the marine univalves with hard shells ; as for the bivalves, there .was no such necessity.

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