The people of the Sa'dan Toraja, the southern branch of the mountain people ("Toraja") in Central Sulawesi of Indoncsia, often say, "We live to die." An anthropologist who studies their society would understand that these words carry crucial implications. The ritual of the dead is their central concern and every effort during life is directed toward death. They accumulate wealth to spend it almost all on the occasion of death. The people who live as members of Toraja society cannot abandon this custom, because the obligation to hold a ritual for the deceased and to participate in the rituals for the relatives or neighbours forms an essential part of their own identity. Even the villagers who have been converted to Christianity or received modern education cannot despise these conventions. If they neglect this "old-fashioned and "irrational" practice they will lose their position in the village community. Thus it may not be an exaggeration to say that their society revolves around "death". This paper aims first to describe the death ritual of the Sa'dan Toraja in detail and, second, to discuss several important problems it contains, based on the data collected during my field research from September 1976 unti January 1978. Although the economy is now founded upon wet rice cultivation in the beautifully terraced fields on the mountain slopes at 800 to 1, 600 meters above sea level, the culture of the Sa'dan Toraja shows striking features of the swidden cultivators in Southeast Asia, that is to say, feasts with the sacrifice of cocks, pigs and water buffaloes, the erection of megaliths, head hunting practices, the use of ship motifs and so on. In particular their death ritual has much in common with the "feast of merit" as it is found among the upland peoples of mainland Southeast Asia. This fact leads me to the assumption that the death ritual of the Sa'dan Toraja is a kind of transformation or developed form of "feast of merit" with pompous stage-setting and elaborate arrangement which is attained by the increase of wealth through the introduction of wet rice cultivation. Therefore, it seems to me more relevant to call their ritual of the dead "death feast", the "feast of merit' on the occasion of death. The death feast is strictly ranked, according to their custom. The rank and scale of the feast, measured by the amount of sacrificed water buffaloes and the main feast, which is counted by the day, depends upon the social rank and wealth of the deceased and his family. In the death feast named dirapa'i, the highest rank, scores of water buffaloes and more than one hundred pigs are consumed for the period of the feast that covers in total one or more years. In the "autocratic" southern villages of the regency of Toraja Land it is the threefold division of social classes the nobles or chief class (puang) , commoners (to makaka) and "slaves" (kaunan) that plays an important role in determining which rank of the feast to hold. Thus, the wealthy noble or the man of the chief class hopes, or is required, to hold a great feast of high rank, because the funeral ceremony gives him the opportunity to reaffirm his socio-political status or rather promote his prestige in his village community. In order to give the full picture of the death feast in the Sa'dan Toraja, the argument of this paper is presented through three main stages of discussion. The theme in each stage is as follows: (1) examination of the ritual categories of the Sa'dan Toraja, (2) a case study on a death feast, and (3) the presentation of some important problems which the death feast contains.

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There was a particular variety of spade in south Hokkaido used for cultivation from early times. While generally called suki, the common name for Japanese spade, it was less frequently called fumi-suki or fumi-kuwa. The spade was made of an iron share known as suki-saki and sometimes locally as suki-gane and saki-gane, the edge called ha or hasaki, and a wooden helve, called suhi-gara. The upper part of the share formed a U-shape, the inner edge of which had a bezel called sashikomi, dai-iri or mizo. The butt of the wooden heel (dai) had names for either end, dai-saki for the fore part and ashikake, ashibumi or fumi for the butt part. The handle (e, te or tsuno) has a name for the end only (esaki or sute) . The greater part of the share was made of wrought iron, but the edge was of steel. The wood of the helve was Magnolia hypoleuca, oak, paulownia, willow, cherry, maple, mulberry and the like. Magnolia hypoleuca was the best, but since it was not so plentiful in Hokkaido, oak was used more frequently. The helve was cut from a crook in the trunk and bough of a tree. The tree had to be suitably selected for the trunk to be about 30 cm in diameter and the bough a minimum of 12 cm. The iron share was made by an experienced village smith in fixed sizes. Each user made his own wooden helve, the husband making them for his wife if necessary. He cut a tree with a broad ax in the forest and used a saw, hatchet and plane to finish the helve, following a good model. The share had a straight edge, its corners at right angles, its over-all shape rectangular, with dimensions about 55 by 15 cm. Inside the separated upper part is a bezel for the insertion of the fore part of the butt. The bezel took a U-shape about 30 cm long and 12 cm wide. The butt of the helve was boat-shaped, ranging from 50 to 60 cm long and about 15 cm wide, one end about 30 cm in length and the other about 10 cm in length, the butt end about 5 cm thick. The curved handle was between 130 and 150 cm in length, and the end was 60 to 80 cm in height. Spades were used mainly by women, but boys were often ordered by their mothers to cultivate the fields with them. Men used a larger one than women. The spade was also used for the initial clearing of tracts of natural growth. Spades used for such purposes were large and stronger than the general spades. Spades were used for cultivation of both vegetable gardens near the house and cornfielde farther away. Sandy, clayey, hillside and flat land were all cultivated by this spade ; in fact, it was used for all but paddy fields. The spade turned up the earth to the right and left alternately, as the user moved back-wards. Ridges were cultivated one by one, boustrephedon style, except on slopes, where plowing took place only backwards. When the soil was to be turned over only to the right, the end of the handle was held by the right hand and the middle of the handle was held by the left hand and the left foot placed on the butt end. But if soil was to be turned the other way, the positions of the hands and feet were reversed. Deep cultivation with this spade was possible in relatively soft and sandy soil, but was progressively more difficult in clayey and stony soil. Spading could be done through the strength of the foot, but turning over the soil depended on the hands and thighs. After cultivation, the clods had to be broken up. The normal efficiency of the spade was about five or six ares of farmland in a day, but it was not difficult to cultivate ten or more ares for an experienced user. It was more efficient than the hoe used in Japan ; the work went more smoothly and required less strength.

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Since the time of Darwin, more and more interest has been taken in the field of nonverbal communication. But extensive review of these studies reveals faults with their theoretical base. In this article the author tries to adopt a perspective in the study of interpersonal communication through analyzing these theoretical appoaches in special refence to their non-verbal aspects. What is problematic is, in effect, an objectifying thinking in the writers on nonverbal communication By "objectification" the author means a way of thinking which supposes that there exist some stimuli as causes of perception or impression about the other in face to face interaction and that these stimuli must be identifiable in some substantial form or other. Such a mechanical theory of communication, with its fundamental postulation that interpersonal perception is a synthesis of elemental perception, fails to understand the real phenomenon of interpersonal communication. On the contrary, the author makes an effort at revealing that the other person's movements (not noly expressive ones but also his whole existence itself) are "modulated" to the ego through what MERLEAU-PONTY calls "body scheme". Also, in most of the earlier studies there is an image that expressive movements themselves have or carry meanings to others m communication For examle "his smile means (or expresses) his good will" etc. But the author claims that each participant in interaction perceives anothers' movements as such subjectively and uniquely. Misunderstanding in everyday life shows that sensitivity is quite subjective, unique and individual. But the author's statement, in its extreme form, might be taken that every experience is entirely soliptimal. Therefore, an explanation is made that our subjectivity is not soliptimal in its deepest level. Our experience is by its nature intersubjective ; in other words, it transcends individual subjectivity and merges with that of others. On the basis of these understandings, the author submits the following three points as the important aspects in the study of interpersonal communication : (1) A study of body use. Interest in the technique of body use was pointed out as important by MAUSS, but it has been rather neglected. It should be revived. (2) A study of lived codes. We interact depending on tacit conventions. Meanings emerge in reference to such lived codes (including physiological reactions). (3) A study of enculturation. We grow to be competent members of a society through enculturation. But in this process even physiological functions are differently arranged in each culture. Much attention must be paid to the "imprinting-like" nature of enculturation. These points are three aspects of one and the same phenomenon, and will eventually converge.

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