Les oeuvres de M. GRIAULE et de G. DIETERLEN nous ont revele l'existance d'un anthromorphisme elabore chez les Dogon. Chez eux, tous les phenomenes naturels ou sociaux sont interpretes d'apres la representation que les Dogon se font du corps humain. GRIAULE et DIETERLEN ont aussi reussi a decrire le mythe cosmogonique et les commentaires exegetiques qui soutiennent cet anthropomorphisme. Mais pourquoi le corps est-il un symbole si privilegie dans cette culture ? Quelles relations y-a-t-il entre lui et la societe ? et quelles sont leurs logiques? Les ethnologues ne se sont pas penches sur ces questions. Selon les exegeses indigenes, le mythe - la creation du Nommo, genie de l'eau et moniteur du monde, sous la forme d'un poisson, son sacrifice, sa resurrection en homme -explique l'organisation du monde, la classification des etres et leur repartition dans des categories bien definies, l'etablissement des coutumes actuelles. Le Nommo ressucite possede 22 articulations, il y aura donc 22 clans totemiques, 22 categories fondamentales qui diviseront le monde, les autels principaux representeront chacunune "articulation". C'est sur ces autels que sera celebre le sacrifice du Nommo, le premier sacrifice jamais effectue. Quels liens logiques existe-t-il entre ce mythe et les explications qu'en font les Dogon ? Pour repondre a cette question, il nous faut d'abord re-examiner le mythe et rechercher les significations du corps "poisson" sans articulations et sa transformation en homme avec articulatins. (1) Le corps "poisson" sans articulations, manquant de forme definie est amorphe et se meut comme l'eau elle-meme. (Mais il a des digu "articulations" internes - les organes inte-rnes, et la "parole" que Dieu a mis dans son corps, coule entre eux le moyen du sang.) (2) L'egorgement du "poisson" separe le sang des autres elements. Le partage du corps en 60 Parties introduit des divisions dans la chair qui etait amorphe comme le sang. Chaque partie decoupee acquiert une forme propre et une fonction ; tete, cou, epaule, poitrine…, nez, oeil, oreille, bouche, etc. (3) Resurrection du sacrifie ; en rassamblent les parties decoupees, Dieu a fait ressuciter Nommo avec un corps humain; a 22 digu (articulations). (4) Dans ce corps, forme et articule, on retrouve l'element amorphe - le sang qui coule entre les digu (organes internes, articulations), et fait circuler la force vitale nyama et la "parole", qui sont aussi concus comme fluide et marchent en zigzag, mouvement particulier au fluide dans la pensee dogon. Nous pouvons, ainsi, reinterpreter le mythe comme l'histoire de la separation et de la reintegration de l'amorphe et du formel. L'amorphe, en circulant, relie les digu formels dans ce corps reforme, restructure. Maintenant, nous allons examiner les exegeses indigenes du mythe, en utilisant les significations que nous y avons trouvees. (1) Correspondance entre les articulations sociales et les digu du Nommo ; il est clair que le partage et le rassamblement du corps du Nommo represente la categorisation et la classification ; la classification n'etant autre que l'introduction de discontinuite dans la continuite, et reassociation des parties en un tout. D'autre part, l'image du corps avec les digu manifeste justement les relations qu'ont les parties entre elles et les relations des parties au tout. Si chaque binu (clan) correspond a telle ou telle partie du corps du Nommo, l'ensemble des binu, c'est-a-dire la societe totale des Dogon, forme un tout coherent au moins au niveau des idees. (2) Le sang, la "parole' et le nyama sont l'amorphe que nous avons trouve dans le corps mythique.

抄録全体を表示

The merit of "equivalence rule analysis" as developed by LOUNSBURY is in its ability to describe simply the kinship terminological systems. A set of equivalence rules establishes equivalence relations between all kin types and their focal types in each class of a kinship terminological system, and describes the system as 'a system' constituted of several kinds of equivalence relations. The aims of this paper are to explain that equivalence rule analysis can offer the key to the universal principles that lie behind diverse kinship terminological systems, and to analyse Siriono kinship terminology acting on two methodological constraints proposed in my last paper. In Chapter 1, GREENBERG'S "implicational universal" is explained in a simple way and extended from the viewpoint of equivalence rule analysis. The combination of two equivalence rules describes four types established by LOWIE. The correspondence between each of LOWIE's types and the combination is shown in Tables 1 to 4. In Table 5, Rule 1 and Rule 2 in each of these ' tables are generalized as Rule I and Rule II respectively, and the combination of these rules produces four types. Rule I and II can account for the implicational relations among lineal, parallel co-lineal and cross co-lineal kin types, or among co-lineal, parallel collateral and cross collateral kin types in every generation. When either cross co-lineal or collateral kin types and lineal or co-lineal kin types are designated by a single term, Rule I and Rule II are necessary. In the reduction process to lineal or co-lineal kin types, cross co-lineal or collateral kin types are at once reduced to parallel co-lineal or collateral kin types by Rule II. Therefore, parallel co-lineal or collateral kin types are also contained in the same class. Because the combination of two elements, Rules I and II, can produce only four types as shown in Tables 1 to 5, there remains no possibility of a fifth type in which only lineal and cross co-lineal or co-lineal and cross collateral kin types are designated by a single term. The typology of systems of kin classification whose outline was shown by SCHEFFLER will serve as the basis from which universal principles are extracted. In order to display concretely the typology using equivalence rules, we must express each kind of equivalence relations by a separate equivalence rule just like the result of factorization. In Chapter 2, the importance of the resolution of equivalence relations between kin types into factors is emphasized. The failure of this resolution sometimes causes an overlap between the rules and the need of another rule but which is essentially unnecessary for the description of a system. Table 6 represents a part of the typology of systems of kin classification. All types in the table (Crow, Omaha, Iroquois and Dravidian types) have Halfsibling Rule and Same-sex Sibling Rule which are indicators of classificatory systems. The rules in the lowest level are distinctive features of the subdivision of classificatory systems. Table 6 tells us much about the features of the types through the relations between equivalence rules. In order to give the appropriate positions in the typology of systems of kin classification to hybrid systems like Siriono kinship terminology, the analyst must obey two methodological constraints. These constraints make it possible to separate kin classification from affinal classification, and accord with SCHEFFER'S opinion that systems of affinal classification are logically depedent on systems of kin classification. In Chapter 3, Siriono kinship terminology is analysed and characterized by referring to Table 6.

抄録全体を表示

Among the series of cultural migration theories noted by R. HEINE-GELDERN, the one called Rectangular Adze Culture which attracted his attention toward research on the cultural formation of Indonesia had much influence on the various studies of material culture in Southeast Asia that followed it, and has brought some suggestion to a historical reconstrucion of ethno-culture. The large expanse of eastern Indonesia is the district in which a lot of native culture and art styles still remain and in which there can be found many data of boat motifs that can be recognized as surviving evidence. B. A. G. VROKLAGE has indicated a relationship between megalithic culture and boat motifs in this district. But it is simply an outline. The aim of this paper is to use the material culture of eastern Sumba for investigating the existence of a concept related to boat motifs, which is to be considered as a background for the production of various positions in the symbolic orders. The following points are to be examined in this paper. a. The pattern of capital village. b. The pattern of traditional house. c. Megalithic monument. d. Njara mwatu (boat-shaped wooden sledge). e. Traditional textile. First of all, we have to understand the past studies on the symbolic order in these objects. TER HAAR Says, "modern ethnology has revealed ancient native conceptions of the firm and ordered unity of the community, which is sometimes thought as being of human form with dual, quadruple or other divisions, each with functionaries in their proper places. Such concepts are of the greatest significance in arriving at an understanding of the earlier organization of Indonesian communities as they were related to the cosmic and mundane worlds and "the sacred community possessions are eloquent proofs of the genuine reality of community solidarity, as are the communal boats of the Kei and Aru Islanders." Furthermore, KOENTJARANINGRAT'S report says, "Village style of Mangarai district in Flores Island consists of 3 parts・・・・・・front part, center part, back part." Generally, the capital villages of these districts are on a small hill, and have a protective function. Moreover, there is also notable data obtained by RODER'S investigation at Soja village in the southeast part of Ambon Island about the megalithic monument "Rock Boat" situated in the central part of a carnival square. He points out that the seat each member of the village takes on the monument (front, center, back) at a ritual time corresponds to his social status order. From these data the existence of some common patterns can be recognized throughout these village communities in eastern Indonesia. There is a common belief that the whole village community should be laid out in imitation of a coordinated individual form (human form or boat form, etc.), and that the people should develop the combination of three divisions which constitute the inner part of the community. In eastern Sumba, the symbolic order mentioned above is obviously manifested in all of their cultural patterns. Many facts that seem to prove this also can be found in their material culture. The following statement is an explanation of the material culture of eastern Sumba : a. Pattern of capital village (paraingu bakulu) . Generally, the capital village forms a unity consisting of a square and two rows of houses which are situated on both sides of the square. The village has an oval shape. The inner structure is classified into three parts : tundu-kambata, kani-padua and kiku-kemudi, with each name equivalent to a boat・・・・・・the bow, the center, the stern.

抄録全体を表示