A propos du roi du feu et du roi de l'eau de la tribu Jarai, nous sommes deja renseignes par des documents ethnographiques europeens. Mais les descriptions vietnamienns faites au courant de la premiere moitie du 19e siecle (cf, chapitre 32 de la premiere partie biographique des Annales) sent significatives. D'apres ces documents nous trouvons la remarque suivante: "On l'appelle le roi du feu parce qu'il peut produire la chaleur par priere au moment de la longue pluie et le roi de l'eau,parce qu'il peut donner la pluie au moment de la chaleur intense." Suivant cette interpretation, ces rois semblaient etre, au fond, les sorciers de pluie. Dans la tribu Pear du Cambodge nous remarquons aussi deux sorciers, l'un appele "sorcier du feu" et l'autre, "sorcier de l'eau." Le premier peut faire cesser la secheresse par priere, et l'autre peut terminer l'inondation. Ces attributs dualiste des sorciers ne viendraient-il pas de la differentiation de deux saisons successives, l'une humide et l'autre seche? D'apres les documents cambodgiens, la cour khmer envoyait regulierement des offrandes assez importantes aux rois-sorciers Jarai. Les rois donnaiet en retour au roi khmer une petite somme de produits forestiers. Les pretres cambodgiens employaient ces presents comme moyen magique pour faire tomber la pluie. D'apres les croyances anciennes des chinois, les montagnes etaient les objets des cultes parce qu'elles donnent de Peau. La charte conservee par les tribus montagnardes "Yao" ou "Man" attribue a ces descendants du chien et de la princesse imperiale l'obligation de faire le rite pour faire tomber la pluie au moment de la grande secheresse. On representait souvent ce chien ancestral sous la forme du dragon. Les relations entre les montagnards primitifs et les peuples civilises des plaines doivent etre observees non seulement des points de vue economique et politique mais aussi religieux. L'idee d'attribuer aux habitants montagnards, et surtout aux divinites de la montagne, le pouvoir de faire tomber la pluie, et la tendance a representer cette puissance sous forme dualiste comme le roi du feu et le roi de l'eau, ou bien l'oiseau-dieu et le dragon, se trouvent non seulement en Indochine, mais aussi dans les pays voisins. Dans le premier chapitre de Shanhaiking, livre classique de la Chine, nous remarquons que la plupart des divinites de la montagne de la Chine meridionale possedent un corps de dragon avec une tete d'oiseau ou bien vice versa. Au Japon, la famille imperiale descend de l'union des dieux solaires et des etres aquatiques. Ce dualisme ne serait-il pas une des caracteristiques des peuples de l'Asie Sud-Est, ou la culture du riz est dominante?

抄録全体を表示

Among the materials of ancient China, especiary among the Inscriptions of Bronze Vessels (金文) of Western Chou Dynasty (西周), we have found a number of records that tell us that the Emperor of China (天子) often shot water-birds and fishes personally at the Holy Pond (辟雍) in the suburbs of the capital. (〓〓Yu-Kuei;麦尊Mai-Tsun;礼記・月令Li-Chi・Yueh-Ling etc.) This custom originally came from the religious belief that spring would come earlier if game were offered af the end of winter. In国語・魯語(Kuo-Yu・Lu-Kuo) it states, "In the end of the coldest season, the officers of fushery hunted big fishes and water-birds and prayed to gods sacrificing them for easier coming of spirng". People thought water-birds and fishes were spirits of spring, as they would appear with the coming of spring. And this belief was connected with the divination which foretold whether the year would be abundant or meager by the amount of game. In Shih-Chin (詩経) people sang, "Men divine by fishing to see whether they will have an abundant harvest or not." (小雅・無羊; Hsiao-Ya・Wu-Yang) By the Inscriptions of Bronze Vessels of Western Chou Dynasty, we know that the rites of the personal cultivation (籍田) and of shooting were performed together by the Emperor. (令鼎, Ling Ting) And when the Emperor, the supreme ruler of the whole country, performed this shooting ritual, the year's crop for the whole country was forecast at the same time. So, the ritual was a very responsible business for him, and was performed very impressively. Hence we know that the shooting ritual as an annual act of divination came to be related with the agricultural ritual. But later it was celebrated not only with the agricultural ceremony but also with various kinds of rituals and the game which had been shot down then were dedicated to gods. The shooting ritual had gradually lost its original meaning and changed into a kind of symposium for praying gods with offering game. Often there people ate the offerings and swore each other by gods. On the other hand, people also prayed to the gods by shooting wild beasts, such as bears, deers and tigers etc., above the ground. We have already noted that there was such a ceremony in Yin Dynasty (殷代) on the Inscriptions of Bone (甲骨文) and I think that its significance was similar to the above-mentioned. Keeping step with the change in the meaning, the shooting ritual had changed greatly in its form. In the later half of Western Chou Dynasty, it became obsolete for the Emperor to shoot personally at the Holy-Pond. It was performed at some shooting range (〓,〓,序) which was set near by the Pond. And there the Emperor himself did not shoot game any longer, but his subjects competed in the shooting with each other for the prize which would be given by His Majesty. (〓曹鼎,Hsi-Ts'ao-Ting;師湯父鼎, Shih-T'ang-Fu- Ting;礼記・射義, Li-Chi・She-I) In this competition, however, we heve found some traces of the old custom. They used the target of canvas with the hide or the picture of a bear, deer or tiger on it. In some cases, people called the target by the name of Hu (鵠) or Hou (候). Hu (鵠) is the name of a water-bird. But Hou (候) means usually a feudal lord (候). Therefore some people have said that the purpose of the Shooting ritual was to punish the bad feudal lord and that the Emperor made his subjects shoot the target which represented the evil lord and therefore the target was named after候(Hou). (cf.陳槃"候与射候"; Ch'en-P'an "Hou and Shooting the Target") But I believe候was originally the name of a bird 鴻(Hung) and then the target (Hou) itself was modelled after the bird that was a object to be shot in the early period.

抄録全体を表示

This is a continuation of the writer's argument tried in his previous articles which appeared in this Journal (Vol. 15, 1950, No. 1; Vol. 15, 1951, No. 3. 4), the one being "Psychological Reflections on the Superorganic Theory of Culture"; the other, a critical review of L. A. White's The Science of Culture. D. Bidey's Theoretical Anthropology (1953) has much in it, especially the first six chapters, that concerns the subject, and it helped the writer to think more about the nature of culture in the same line. The writer proceeds in this article by centering first on the ideas contained in each of the six chapters of Bidney's work and secondarily on the ideas of A. L. Kroeber to whom Bidney seems to owe much. Bidney's theory of culture begins from an attempt to understand man himself. Kroeber gives up trying to think of man at the outset, for he adheres to the view that man is essentially organic and that culture is essentially superorganic. Hence for Kroeber culture is superindividual. Culture for Bidney, however, is a dead thing if viewed as separate from man. Bidney's main thesis of culture is that behind culture lies human nature which originated the cultural process. He says that the unique nature of man lies in his symbolic function which has enabled him to create language and culture, a "new dimension of reality" not opened to the rest of the animal kingdom. In 1917 kroeber insisted that one should take culture as separated from man. This viewpoint can also be seen in his speech of 1948 given at Chicago University. So, it can be said that he has clung to this viewpoint consistently. Against that stands Bidney, and the writer agrees with him. Why? The writer's defense for this position starts by raising a question of whether man wholly and simply remains an organism in the biological sense as Kroeber conceives him to be. According to Bidney the concept of superorganic is interpreted in at least three distinct ways: that of H. Spencer, the psychological, and that of Kroeder. Evidently he takes side with the second. "This conception of the superorganic", he says, "not only fails to exclude, but even necessitates, an internal relation between culture and the psychological nature of man", and this psychological nature of man (symbolization) is meant by him to be superorganic as shown in his saying "insofar as culture is said to depend upon the psychological, superorganic nature of man, cultural phenomena may be explained by reference to the individual, as well as to society". Truly, it should even logically be so. However, he does not explain why that psychological nature of man can be presumed to be superorganic. The writer attempts to think over the problem as follows. It is possible for man to suppress or control his biological needs. For instance, he is able not to eat when he needs and wants to eat; he is able to kill himself if he so chooses while to keep life is a universal biological need of all living beings. The writer thinks that in these simple facts we perceive the superorganic or superbiological functions of man. We can say that man who objectively sees the needs within himself and controls them also objectively sees himself as an object. The human being that objectvely sees himself naturally sees his actions, things and events as objects, too. This mental function was named by D. Katz "Objectivization". Things objectified in general, though actually being things particular in space and time, have general meanings at tile same time, for to objectify a thing means to perceive it as belonging to a certain kind, a kind being abstract and general. Things which are objectified can be named by terms with general meaning. If a certain animal is called, say, a "horse", it means that that being is objectified and perceived as one belonging to the kind of animal

(View PDF for the rest of the abstract.)

抄録全体を表示

Social change is one of the most conspicuous features of American society. Social change is taking place even more significantly among Negroes, and this has had many important effects in various areas of life-economic, political, social and psychological. Economic forces have had a profound effect on the life of minority peoples in American society, particularly on race relations in our society. Occupational groups have played an important role in the Negro community. Professional and proprietary groups have played crucial roles in changing and molding Negro community life. Businessmen as a group are considered here as one of the key groups. In this study "successful" Negro businessmen have been chosen as the object of the study. The study began with an assumption that a study of this group would throw some light on changing race relations in the United States. A cursory review of literature in the field of race relations, particularly in the field of occupations among Negroes revealed that the economic approach placed emphasis on the description of economic characteristics of occupations among Negroes, either historically or contemporaneously. Sociological and cultural approaches placed a considerable emphasis on social stratification, social organization and structure. It seemed that a study of Negro businessmen not only as an occupational group but also as a sociological group offers a new approach in the field of race relations. As a device to construct such an approach, we borrowed sociological and social psychological consepts of identity, identification, and competence, which concepts have been tested by various students, but seldom in the field of race relations. This study has been framed in the context of study of culture and personality by undertaking an analysis of occupational culture and personality making use of such concepts. The hypothesis for this study was stated as the greater one's occupational identification, the greater one's occupational competence. In testing this hypothesis, it is well to keep in mind that businesses among Negroes have a short history in American society and the group as a whole is placed in a disadvantageous position in the free market because of race. These were two constant variables that needed to be considered in the study and will serve as two major factors to be controlled in future studies. One's occupational identification is developmental, and factors that are responsible for this developmental process are (a) development of interest in problems and pride in skills, (b) acquisition of ideologies, (c) investment, (d) the internalization of motives, and (e) sponsorship. (See competence was defined as follows. The respondents were asked to name five successful businessmen among Negroes in Nashville. As a result, it was possible to see their rating of each other. Tentatively, it was proposed that we would accept this self-grading as an operational definition of occupational competence scale and as one of the dimensions in this study, assuming that businessmen who were highly graded by fellow businessmen would have a greater competence than those who were lowly graded. The hypothesis has not been fully substantiated. However, in respect to sponsorship, investment and development of interest in problems and pride in skills we have been able to show that there exists a relationship between these and occupational competence. No satisfactory reasons could be given for the fact that some businessmen were graded by fellow businessmen higher than others. Although they gave accounts for their fellow businessmen's success and for their own success, there is still a need for making the scale more precise and meaningful.

抄録全体を表示

中国大陸の南部は考古学研究の上で1つの空白地域であった.しかもこの地域は華北,南朝鮮,日本,台湾及び東南アジアの考古学研究の上でも密接な関係を持つ地方である.近年,中華人民共和国の相次ぐ発掘と,その発表によって,この方面の資料は急速に増加した.以下その近況を記し,問題の所在をまとめよう.

抄録全体を表示