民族學研究

This is a report based on my field research which was carried out in the Black communities of Los Angeles, California and of Middville (pseudonym) , Texas from September, 1969 to August, 1970 under a grant from the American Council of Learned Societies. This report, titled "Neighbors, Friends and Kin of Black Families m the Urban Adaptation," was read at the pre-Congress Conference on "Processes of Urbanism" which was held in St. Louis, Missouri from the 27th to the 31st of August 1973, one of the Pre-Cougress Conferences of the IX International Congress of Anthropological and Ethnological Sciences, and has been partially revised for this publication. Los Angeles was chosen mainly for two reasons: first, the city is one of the rapidly growing cities with a substantial Black population. Unlike Chicago, New York or Washington D. C., it is a relatively new destination for Black migrants from the South, which might mean the historical background of the Black community would be less complex and probably would allow an observer to trace the process of adaptation a little easier; and second, again, unlike Chicago or Washington D. C., there have been few anthropological reports from Los Angeles. In this study I wished to see the relationship between the migrants in the city and their hometown in the process of urban adaptation, the analysis of which was often lacking in the previous studies.

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The people of the New Guinea Highlands are subsistence horticulturalists and pig-keepers. Societies are small, kin based and locally autonomous and lack any kind of centralized political organization. Many of the neolithic cultures survived long into the twentieth century, there. In addition, Highland societies have potential value for comparative empirical studies of social and cultural processes. They provide a unique laboratory for us. The social anthropologists working in the Highlands find a system of segmentary patrilineal groups which has many features in common with the African segmentary system. But, as BARNES (1962) points out, it soon becomes apparent that societies appear to fit uneasily into African models. Many Highlands societies have an ideology of patrilineal descent and patri-virilocality. ldeally male agnates should reside together. But it is commonly found that clans include many non-agnatic kinsmen. It is often hard to detect any difference in status between them and agnates. There is in the Highlands a considerable apparent divergence between descent dogmas relating to group unity and group compositions or processes of recruitment to these groups. Only the recognition of discrepancy between ideology and practice is not enough. SAHLINS (1965) says, "In major territorial descent groups, there is no particular relation between the descent ideology and group composition. . . . A descent doctrine does not express group composition but imposes itself upon the composition." But it is important, I think, to show how ideology and composition are interrelated. To perceive the distinctive characteristics of the societies of the Highlands, two groups will be described at first : Mae-Enga and Chimbu.

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