Le climat de l'Indochine se divise en deux saisons, l'une seche et l'autre humide, et le sol se compose de deux zones, une zone de plaines et une zone de montagnes, Influencees par ce milieu, les peuplades indochinoises montrent une tendance au dualisme. L'opposition entre Garuda et Naga, c'est-a-dire, oiseau et serpent, apercue si souvent dans les representations artistiques, exprime cette tendance enracinee dans les esprits indochinois. Au sanctuaire khmer du mont Pou Khau dans la province de Bassac au Laos, nous avons remarque une sculpture de Garuda dans la grotte ou l'eau jaillit pour arroser le linga (perdu maintenant) du sanctuaire, et une sculpture de Naga aupres de l'etang sacre qui se trouve au pied de la montagne. Les laotiens croient, que, chaque annee, en saison des pluies, le Naga, serpent mythique, s'installe dans les rizieres et, en saison seche, descend dans l'eau. Au debut de chaque annee, les habitants de Luang Prabang fetent le deplacement du Naga : le serpent mythique du mont Pou Si, represente par le feu, descend du sommet pour s'unir a sa femme Nagi, qui habite dans l'etang sacre aupres du Mekong. Cette dualite divine peut se trouver representee par l'antagonisme de l'oiseau et du serpent. Les anciens khmers celebraient la fete de la nouvelle moisson au mois Mak. Ils elevaient cinq petites montagnes avec des gerbes de paddy envoyees de toutes les provinces du royaume. Le roi temporaire tournait trois fois antour de ces monts et mettait le feu au paddy. Ensuite, on jettait de l'eau pour l'eteindre. Les grains de paddy ainsi grilles et "rafraichis" etaient distribues aux gouverneurs des provinces, qui les donnaient aux paysans afin qu' ils soient meles aux semences de l'annee suivante. Dans les provinces, les cultivateurs elevent cinq tas de paddy, et invitent des bonzes pour faire des prieres. Puis, ils douchent les bonzes et ensuite les conduisent aupres du feu pour qu'ils se sechent. Cet emploi du feu et de l'eau, dans la fete de la recolte du riz, est tout-a-fait significatif. Au Japon, les paysans construisent des monts de paddy aupres de leurs rizieres. Ce monticule s'appelle nifu, niho, ou nyu, etc. Mr. Yanagida Kunio expliquait ces mots par le nom nibu qui signifie "maison d'accouchee". Les anciens japonais auraient celebre la renaissance de l'espritpaddy au moment de la fete de la recolte. Suivant les mythes japonais, la famille imperiale descendait du ciel, ayant ete mandatee par les dieux ancestraux pour perpetuer la culture du riz celeste dans le monde terrestre. La ceremonie de l'avenement n'est qu'une celebration grandiose de la fete de la recolte du riz. L'Empereur, en costume Ama-no-hagoromo (robe ailee du ciel) prend un bain, servi par des vierges (dames de l'eau, d'apres l'opinion de Mr. Origuchi). Ensuite, il prend le repas sacre avec la divinite ancestrale. D'apres les mythes, le dieu Hikohohodemi, un des ancetres imperiaux, ne au milieu des flammes, descendit dans la mer et epousa a une jeune fille appartenant aux divinites de la mer. Il retourna sur la terre, ayant acqui le pouvoir de commander aux eaux. Ainsi, la famille imperiale, descendant du soleil, s'alliait au feu et, par mariage, a l'eau. Le feu et l'eau sont indispensables pour cultiver le riz. La meme croyance dans les deux elements ne se retrouve-t-elle pas chez les peuplades indochinoises?

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One of the fishing methods of women in inland areas of Thai, Cambodia and Laos in Southeast Asia is to put a basket over fishes on the ground of a stream or of a swamp. This basket is made of bamboo and is woven into a circular cone. At the top of the basket there is a hole, through which a man hand can be entered easily. When the basket is skillfully put over fish swimming in the water, the female fishers catch them quickly through this hole. This "Putting-over Basket" has variant shapes, ways of weaving and names in different localities, but the writer thinks that all of them have a common origin. This way of fishing is found in the western part of Japan. As even the shape of basket in both areas (Thai and Japan) is similar, the next question is that fishing with Putting-over Basket in Japan has something (in common) with the one in Southeast Asia. On the inside wall of the mausoleum in the period of the Han dynasty, in Shantung Province of China, there is engraved a few pictures of men fishing under the bridge. They seem to be using the Putting-over Basket. If it is a true fishing basket in question, it is one of material evidences of using it in China before the Christian era, and connects the fishing techniques of two areas, Japan and Southeast Asia. The writer should like to know whether up to date, fishing with such a Putting-over Basket is handed down in some part or other in China, not especially Shantung Province.

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This report is a record of the archaeological sites and artifacts discovered during my trip from Phnompenh, the capital of Cambodia, to Luang Prabang and Xieng Khouang of Laos along the Mekong River, as a member of the Consolidated Southeast Asia Rice Culture and Ethnological Survey Group (Tonan Ajia Inasaku Minzoku Bunka Sogo Chosa-dan). 1. On the outskirts of Pakse in southern Laos near the foot of Mount Kao in Bassac (on the right bank of the Mekong River), two sites were discovered. Green-glazed pottery as well as celadon and white porcelain fragments of Chinese Tang and Sung Dynasties were found out from these sites. It is surmised that these were the sites of the ancient Tchen-La Period settlements. 2. In the vicinity of Luang Prabang, I traveled twenty-six kilometers up the Mekong River from Luang Prabang to a point called Pak Hou. Here I crossed the river to the other side to conducted an investigation of an old cave-temple there. On the southern slope near the entrance to the cave-temple, I discovered some late Neolithic and early iron age earthenware artifacts. In a marsh near a village west of Ban Pha Nom (located in a northeasterly direction from Luang Prabang), I discovered a stone age site. Figure 3 shows the Neolithic are uncovered at this site. 3. In the highlands of Xieng Khouang, I investigated the megalithic site of Ban Ang and also an early iron age crematory site in a cave. Also in Xieng Khouang at a place near the provincial governor's estate. Figure 4 I discovered an earthenware handle in a form quite reminiscent of a water buffalo.

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This village field work was carried out at Pha Khao community near Vientiane (Laos) from December 1957 to the end of February 1958. The main purpose of this work was focused on the dominant principle of integration about Lao village structure. After discussing natural environment, settlement pattern, village history, administration hierarchy, and material culture, the author deals with interpersonal relationships of the community into three dimensions, namely social differentiation, social stratification, and social integration. (1) Social differentiation. The type of family structure, marital system, descent and inheritance, kinship terminologies, sex differenciation, and local relationships are discussed here. As to the family structure, nuclear family is the most dominant type at Pha Khao and is characterized by matrilocal (or matrilocal neolocal) residence. With regard to the kinship system, Pha Khao recognize bilateral descent. Land inheritance is also bilateral, but the house is inherited by one of the daughters frequently by the youngest one. Pha Khao has no unilinear kin group, but after 1944 Nam Sa Kun (family name) was traced through the paternal line. As to the kinship terminologies they reveal, like other Thai people, some particularity among these living in the Mainland of Southeast Asia, namely the fact that skewed equation, Yuman principle, and teknonymy are to be found. (2) Social stratification. Occupation and structure of occupational consciousness, property of inhabitants, age stratification, and villagers' status structure are discussed here. At Pha Khao, about fifteen percent are non-agricultural families and these families are increasing every year. In the dry season, some of the villagers make charcoal and produce earthen vessels. There is not much difference between the rich and the poor among the inhabitants, but three distinct statuses are found among the inhabitants which are caused by personal talent, leadership, and property. (3) Social integration. Buddhism and its system, folklore, school teaching, and cooperation are discussed here. Like other Thai people the Wat (Buddhist temple) is the center of social integration at PhaKhao, but on the other hand the elementary school has tend to increase gradually its integral power. As to the supernatural problems, the author thinks Chao Phi (guardian spirit of land or village) is most important to be analysed. In regard to cooperation, local connexion or friendship bonds have a principal function. In addition, the author attempts to observe the communication system, population mobility, impact of urban cultures and reaction of the inhabitants to such change elements. In sum, in many respects, Pha Khao has a loosely structured society. There are no classes, castes, age grades, secret societies. In other words Pha Khao has not a vertical structure, but it has a horizotal one. As already mentioned present Wat is an axis of Thai village community, but before Buddhist diffusion the problem is what is the nucleus of Thai village community. In order to analyse Thai village structure from a historical point of view, the author believes that pre-Buddhist age structure of Thai village is one of the most important problem.

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