A reorganization of experiences subsists in each phase of human nature. To consider the modes of such a reorganization of experiences, I discuss the mechanism which organizes experience itself and the methods which are advantageous in the treatment of developmental disorders. Part 1 considers three difficult problems: (1) how the observation reaches the developing system itself, (2) what abilities are formed in the process of development, and (3) what mechanism defines the stage of development. In Part 2, I suggest that generative models are included in developmental processes, based on facts of the nervous system and a theoretical viewpoint. These considerations suggest possible changes in medical interventions in the treatment of developmental disorders.

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Regarding the development of the brain in the fetus and young infant, we review recent findings in developmental neuroscience: anatomical changes in macroscopic structure and network formation, spontaneous and stimulus-induced activity, and changes in functional activation. As a basis for understanding developmental changes in behavior, we propose three basic principles of the brain development. (1) The fetal brain initially generates spontaneous activity; neural networks are thereby formed in a self-organized manner. External stimulation then induces activity which modulates networks of the brain. (2) The brain initially generates general activity and then the activity is differentiated into specific ones engaged in particular functions. (3) The brain produces activity over multiple time scales, from real time to long-term. The structure and function of the brain synchronously emerges from interactions among activities across multiple time scales. In conclusion, brain development is a dynamic process, and a stage-like development of behaviors emerges from dynamic interactions among the brain, body, and environment.

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The purpose of this study was to longitudinally observe the behavior of an infant (0 to 1 year-old) in relation to nine kinds of steps in his home environment (Figure 1). Steps-related actions were analyzed through video recordings made by his mother. The nine kinds of steps consisted of the edge of a baby-mattress on the floor, a door rail, a step to the bathroom, a step to the lavatory, a bed, a sofa, the baby's father's lap, a child chair, and the stairs. The infant acquired the skills of perceptual exploration, speed regulation, and postural flexibility which had originated from various falling experiences afforded by these steps. Each of the different kinds of steps afforded a unique action sequence and movement development (see Figure 23). The material, size, shape, and surrounding layout of the steps were taken into account to explore their meanings. We classified these action sequences into three kinds of step-action system: (A) falling system, (B) anchor system and (C) jump system (see Figure 24). And superimpose the mark of three systems on Figure 23 (see Figure 25). Based on these analysis, the issues of the emergence of a new stage of awareness of the environment and the significance of being surrounded by steps in the environment were discussed.

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The purpose of this paper was to elucidate the significance and potential of establishing developmental stages of cognitive development, as an introduction to and explication of Piaget's developmental stage theory. First, Piaget posited five criteria for developmental stages and established four stages, based on the development of intellectual operations which are realistic frameworks that constrain a person's judgment and reasoning. Second, the formal operational stage was characterized by the whole structure in formal operations, and the implications of this wholeness was clarified by investigating what kind of logico-mathematical structures were contained in it, and how this wholeness was constructed from the whole structure in concrete operations. Finally, as the basis for understanding the significance and potential of Piaget's stage theory, three developmental problems were discussed: the problem of developmental continuity/discontinuity which is one of the main classic themes in developmental psychology; the problem of domain-generality/domain-specificity which is an issue in the study of theory theory; and the problem of generality and/or universality of formal operations which was raised by the editors of this special issue.

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This paper reconsidered the meaning of developmental stages in the study of developmental disorders, especially in the case of autism spectrum disorder. First, "The Theory of Hierarchies and Stages on Reversible Operations in Human Development (Tanaka, 1980)" was reviewed from the viewpoint of developmental stage theory. Second, the significance of the theory of mind deficit theory was reviewed from the standpoint of developmental stage theory. It was found that theory of mind deficit theory consisted of domain specificity and the denial of qualitative change. Third, in explaining the mechanism of symptoms in autism spectrum disorder, it was important to take into account the developmental relationship. Finally, the developmental relationship makes it possible to open a new direction in practices to enhance several abilities that constitute developmental linkages.

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In his essay titled "The Problem of Age," L.S. Vygotsky (2002a) attempted to divide children's developmental changes into some age levels and describe the psychological features of each level. On the surface, this more or less classical approach to developmental change seems inconsistent with contemporary understandings of Vygotsky's theory, because its unit of analysis is too individualistic and culturally general. A close inspection of the essay, however, shows that Vygotsky avoided simple individualism and overemphasis of the culturally general nature of the human mind, by treating the link between personality and the social environment as a partial connection between two relatively independent systems. This unique approach may actually lead to new possibilities for a developmental stage theory in the context of contemporary sociocultural psychology.

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This paper clarified how wildfire activities tie together (as with the Open Source movement), and also focused on object-centered sociality and forms of exchange. In doing so, I attempted to reformulate the concept of learning. A "wildfire activity" is a collection of distributed and local activities that occur in various places at the same time and tie together, exactly as happens with a real wildfire. A typical example of wildfire activity is peer production that extends beyond institutionalized organizations, e.g., the editing of Wikipedia and the development of Linux. However, wildfire activity is not limited to activities on the Internet, and also occurs in the activities of the Red Cross, skate-boarding, and the revitalization of local communities.

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Focusing on the development of the self, the inner side of the personality, this study elucidated the enigma of the "second birth" which was once believed to be an important turning point in the development of the personality. First, we reviewed Neisser's theory of "five selves," one of the most representative theories of the self. This review suggested that among the five selves, the "private self" has not been empirically investigated to date. Second, the study of the "I-am-me" experience was introduced. This experience had been discussed in German youth psychology as a second birth, and several Japanese psychologists are currently investigating this phenomenon. Third, by comparing the private self and "I-am-me" experience, it was concluded that the latter experience might originate from a conflict between the conceptual self and the private self. When "I-am-me" experiences occur simultaneously with the advent of adolescence, the experience might be recalled as a second birth. Finally, this paper discussed the first-person psychology of personality development, which is necessary to revive the theme of the second birth.

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Developmental psychology typically represents age as a horizontal axis on which positions are determined on the basis of the presumed linear progression of time. It also represents competence as a vertical axis on which positions are determined on the basis of the performance of different valued skills. This conceptual framework has persisted even though lifespan developmental psychology addresses the entire life of an individual, including the process of decline during older age. In addition, the fundamental concepts of developmental psychology and lifespan developmental psychology are both based on assumptions of individualism, the linear progression of life, the privileged status of quantitative measurement, and the irreversibility of time. In this paper, I suggest the need to shift the paradigm applied to human beings to one rooted in a narrative approach. I further propose a Generative Life Cycle Model (GLCM) based on contextualism, which includes the need for an integrated meaning of life, the value of qualitative narratives, and the cyclical nature of time.

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