The tariff history of the U.S.A. before the Civil War has been marked as the conflict between the protective tariff policy by the industrial capital in the North and the free trade policy by the slavery plantation in the South. However we can also point out that the Massachusetts State retreated from protectionism after the enactment of the "Walker Tariff Act" in 1846, and she did not oppose to the demand to lower a tariff from the South any more. In the tariff issue on Walker's tariff bill of 1846, Mr. Webster of the Massachusetts State opposed to raising the tariff rates on raw materials, emphasizing that in this bill the tariff on raw materials were relatively expensive in comparison with the one on manufactured goods, and he also emphasized that discriminating protection between crude iron and manufactured one should be realized. In the tariff issue of 1857, under the severe political exigencies, New England supported the bill provided by the South. Thus finally the change of tariff policy revealed the difference of interests between New England and the Pennsylvania State. In the present paper the author tries to capture the reason why New England, especially the Massachusetts State, where protectionism had been dominant, changed her tariff policy. We must approve that this change of tariff policy took place, because of the demand from the cotton industry and industrial-commercial interests connected with it.

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So far, the Front Populaire has been generally analyzed as a model of the united front against fascism. This tendency has been particulary marked in the Japanese studies which are rising recently. Consequently, the political aspect of the movement has been made clear. On the contrary, the social and economic aspect hasn't been made clear sufficiently. But in reality, the desire for social reforms and economic recovery also formed the important aspect in this movement. The substance of the movement existed in the combination of "anti-fascist struggle" and "anti-crisis struggle". Therefore, the whole figure of thi-s movement ought to be grasped not only as anti-fascist struggle, but as anti-crisis struggle which implies the intention for social and economic reforms. For my part, I think that the significations and limits peculiar to the Front Populaire can be made clear only by the correlative and synthetic analysis of these two aspects. This article deals with these subjects through the examination of the lines of Communist, Socialist (S.F.I.O.), Radical-Socialist and the program of the Front Populaire. As a result of my analysis, I can confirm the following facts. 1. The signification of the Front Populaire, first of all, consists in the defense and development of democracy and at the same time in the conversion of the remedy for economic crisis which is liable to be neglected. 2. But this remedy had some defects also. That is; (1) The remedy of the Front Populaire, which has been called "France's New Deal", believed that recovery can be realized by the reform of distribution (=the increase of consumption) alone. (2) France's New Deal wasn't accompanied with the conversion of the monetary and financial policy. (3) It regarded the structure of the french economy as healthy, owing to the lack of structural analysis. 3. These defects were influenced directly or indirectly with the proper historical character of the French middle class (its participation in the political movement and nonparticipation in the movement of social and economic reform). 4. The Front Populaire was supported with the reminisence of the French Revolution which penetrated into French society. This character of the Front Populaire was effective in the struggle with Dolitical crisis, but inefective in the struggle with economic crisis.

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The purpose of this study is to clarify the relation between the paper currency policy, especially the paper gold exchange policy (1869-70) of the central government and the centralization of the feudal rights of each Han (clan) in Japan. The conclusion is as follows. The paper currency (Kinsatsu), which was first put in 1868, and expected to assist the industrial development, once dropped 50 per cent discount, and in the loacl districts it was sometimes refused to accept. It also sometimes depressed the foreign trade. The papar gold exchange policy was intended to improve these states and to circulate the paper currency, assisting several other paper currency policies, such as forbidding the premium under penalty, showing the way to redeem it. In this policy, the government collected the paper currency at Tokyo, Kyoto, and Osaka, gave it to each Han, and in return took the gold currency at par by force, and then gave it back to the big cities. In those cities, the policy was excuted mainly by the Kawasegaisha (bill companies), which were controlled by the government. The paper currency gradually became the ordinary medium of exchange, and its premium against gold and silver currency became negligible. This policy sustained not only getting the paper currency into circulation, but also weakening the feudal rights of each Han. The result of this policy enabled the government to unite the monetary system and to control the commodities of each Han. The process to circulate the paper currency by force, often raised the resistances of peasants and poor citizens, and they also weakened the Han. Thus the central government was establishing in Japan.

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