In this paper the writer tries to clarify the development of the landlord-tenant relationship in Tohoku district, which was the core of the landlord system in Japan, taking the Tsuchida family in Akita prefecture as a case study. The Tsuchidas were in possession of 512 hectare (cho) in 1928 and the number of their tenant farmers were 518 families in 12 towns and villages in 1897. My conclusions are as follows. (A) 1896-1905; The Tsuchidas' concentration of land proceeded rapidly. They completed the management system that controlled the tenant farmers, and they subordinated the tenant farmers by means of the paternalism that decreased farm rents and advanced rice. (B) 1906-1919; The Tsuchidas' concentration of land slacked, so they carried out the readjustment of arable land in 1907 in expectation of increasing the productivity of rice. This made the Tsuchidas obtain almost all parts of their contracted farm rents. On the other hand, it increased the shares of the tenant farmers, too. And so they became independent of the paternalism. (C) 1920-1929; The productivity of rice was high and stable. The upper class of the tenant farmers gradually became commodity-producing farmers. They tried to make the Tsuchidas accept the decrease of the Tsuchidas' shares through decreasing farm rents. Consequently, a tenancy dispute broke ont in 1928. However, this dispute resulted in the defeat of the tenant farmers. (D) 1930-1936; The productivity of rice became unstable. After the economic depression of 1930, the Tsuchidas began to claim to pay unpaid farm rents and to return some parts of land lended by them. The tenant farmers, however, maintained their shares till then by means of delaying to pay some parts of farm rents. (E) 1937-1945 ; The productivity of rice increased again. The commodity production of the tenant farmers increased moreover and tenancy disputes broke out again in 1937-1940. But under the wartime system these disputes were suppressed by the authorities. On the other hand, they also eroded the base of the Tsuchidas' management through the agricultural policy under that system. Therefore the Tsuchidas' possession of land decreased rapidly after 1941.

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This article attempts to analyze monetary expansion of Japanese imperialism into Manchuria in the period from the Russo-Japanese War up to the First World War. After the Russo-Japanese War, Japanese imperialism began to invade Manchuria, but was unable to maintain its military presence there because of the check by British and American imperialism and Chinese nationalism, and thus chose instead to proceed with economic invasion. The two most important vehicles for this program were the South Manchuria Railway Company, which controlled railway traffic, and the Yokohama Specie Bank, which was in charge of monetary system. This paper aims to clarify the role played by the Yokohama Specie Bank. The bank with many offices in Manchuria was assigned the role of the central bank in the colony-i.e., the role to unify the money system of Manchuria as an integral part of the Japanese money system. The Specie Bank virtually controlled financing for trade of Japanese cotton fabric and Manchurian soy-bean, which were the two major trade items. But due to the complex distribution system within Manchuria, it fell short of penetrating deep into village communities. As for the supply of public loans for the sake of control over public finance of Manchuria-another important means of colonial administration--the Specie Bank, and for that matter Japanese imperialism, was unable to accomplish much due to the lack of capital fund at its disposal. Besides these, there were two additional factors that decisively prevented the Bank from accomplishing its desired money policy. First, on the Japanese side, there was a conflict between the South Manchuria Railway and the Specie Bank over the choice between the gold and the silver standards. The South Manchuria Railway, as an importer of capital fund from the European money market which was on the gold standard, preferred the gold to the silver standard. Japanese traders were also in favor of the gold standard as they wanted to avoid losses caused by fluctuations of the exchange rate between gold and silver. The Specie Bank, on the other hand, found the silver standard more convenient for its planned penetration into the Manchurian silver money market. The second factor was the establishment of a new bank system in Manchuria-e.g., the Mukden Provincial Bank-which issued silver bank notes and obstructed Japan's monetary expansion. After all, Japanese traders preferred gold standard-bank notes issued by the Bank of Japan, whereas Chinese traders used silver standard bank notes issued by provincial banks, with the result that the Yokohama Specie Bank's silver bank notes failed to hold sway over the Manchurian economy as they were expected. Japan was far from successful in unifying the Manchurian money system. It added new kinds of currency to the pre-existing system, only to throw it into a greater confusion.

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Russian capitalism reached the stage of industrial capitalism in the middle of 1880's, despite the fact that it was still dominated by the agricultural sector. It was during this period that a large labour dispute in January of 1885 arose at Nikol'skaya Manufacture owned by Morozov who was one of the largest Russian cotton industrialists in the Vladimir Province. The purpose of this paper is to look at this dispute as a resistant movement by the mass against the structural change of Russian capitalism. The majority of labourers of the cotton industry came from the agrarian districts, principally because they had to supplement the family income,--the land units being too small to be viable. Without the factory labourer, the agricultural family would naturally suffer from the income crisis, and so the cotton industry labourers supported both the agricultural family's economic system (otrabotka) and the system of factory labour. The factory labourers at that time had a "primitive" labour relationship in Russia which had a dual structure. This structure was supported by the community,--though it could be said that they were being exploited not only by the employer who controlled the right to employ the labourers, but also by the community representatives (i. e. the dual structure). In spite of the organization and agitation of a few skilled workmen who had experienced the modern labour movement in St. Petersburg in 1870's, this labour dispute had a different movement form, a form similar to agrarian terror. The details and character of this dispute were different from those of the dawn movements in St. Petersburg in 1870's. First of all, the core of this movement were ordinary non-skilled workmen who were closely linked with the agrarian districts and so it isn't correct to say that the efforts of a few skilled workmen to instill the knowledge and experience of the movement in St. Petersburg into them were successful. The aims of non-skilled workmen which were formed in consequence of the permeation of capitalism into the agrarian districts were decisively different from the aims of skilled workmen. Therefore, in general, the experiences in St. Petersburg in 1870's were not followed and used in this Central Industrial Zone. The regulative powers of the agrarian community which affected the emergence of wage-labours formed here a quite different type of resistance to capitalism. As a result of this dispute, a new stage of labour movement began in European Russia. Taking this opportunity, the Tsarist government legistlated the new labour relations adjustment law in 1886.

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