The prewar Japanese agricultural co-operatives (sangyo-kumiai) developed rapidly after the "sangyo-kumiai expansion movement" started in 1933. This movement was a policy to relieve the peasantry oppressed by the economic depression through the sangyo-kumiai. After this period the sangyo-kumiai had a large influence on the villages. . The aim of this study is to clarify the historical significance of this movement from two point of view, studying the case of Yutaka-mura in Nagano Prefecture. Firstly, it is to pursue the relation between sangyo-kumiai and some classes in the villages ; and secondly, it is to make clear the role of the sangyo-kumiai under the Japanese imperialism during the 1930's. Now, as regard the first point, I think is necessary to emphasize that the middle class peasantry took in the sangyo-kumiai positively, while the low class peasantry was not positive towards the sangyo-kumiai increased slowly. On the other hand, the class of the small landlords depended deeply on the sangyo-kumiai, because they were strongly influenced by the economic depression. However, secondarily, through the whole process of the sangyo-kumiai expansion movement, the villages were reorganized by Japanese imperialism from the process of circulation. The reorganization of the process of circulation particularly effected in funds and chemical fertilizer. The village funds were absorbed by the sangyo-kumiai savings and were spent for the expansion of the capital market (national dept and bond). At the same time, through the channel of sangyo-kumiai, the chemical monopoly capital gained monoply profits. It is to say that, the sangyo-kumiai movement, on one hand relieved a little the peasantry, on the other strengthened the control on the villages of the monopoly capital using peasantry effort (jiriki kosei).

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The purpose of this paper is to clarify the real qualities of "Gohd-ikki" [護法一揆 Revolt for protecting "Shinshu sect" (真宗)] in the early Meiji era, by analyzing "Meij 6th Echizen-dai-ikki" (Echizen area great revolt). As is generally known, peasantry revolt occurred frequently during the period of enforcement of the Meiji government's new policies, such as census-taking, educational reforms, land certificate and conscription systems, etc. after the "Hanzeki-hokan" (版籍奉還) and "Haihan-chiken" (廃藩置県, Abolition of feudal clans and establishment of prefectures). In this case, we must pay special attention to the rise of the "Goho-ikki" in the Shinshu sect areas all over the country during the same period. Above all, "Echizen-dai-ikki," which is regarded as part of the "Goho-ikki," was quite large in scale, equal to "Meiji 5th Shinetsu-chiho-doko-hoki-jiken" (信越地方土寇蜂起事件, Shinetsu area native revolt). The author can confirm that about 30,000 revolters appeared in the 3 guns of Ono, Imadate and Sakai of Tsuruga prefecture. Researchers in the past were apt to take a serious view of the religious or reactionary factors in this revolt. Though the actual revolt directly shows the religious aspect, a more in-depth analysis is needed for the study of this revolt's historical character. Studying the revolters' demands, attack objectives and rebel leaders' social strata, we cannot but recognize a kind of peasantry revolt in the true nature. Especially, the destructions of "Kucho" (区長) and "Kocho" (戸長) homes, (who were wealthy upper class landholders, merchants and rulers in direct contact with the people under the control of the Meiji government) the branch office of the former Asuwa-ken, "Jinshin" (壬申) land certificates, "Shoho-kaisha" (商法会社), "Kosatsujo" (高札場, notice-sheds) and "Kyodoshoku" (教導職) temples should be noted. This shows that the character of this revolt opposed Meiji political power. Therefore, the general movement of "Gohd-ikki" in the early Meiji era, though caused derectly by religious motives, is in conformity with the combined types of "Yonaoshi-ikki" (世直し一揆) and Sobyakusho-ikki (惣百姓一揆) revolts, struggling against the various contradictions resulting from the many new policies of the Meiji government. After all, from the viewpoint of the popular opinion, we can find important historical significance in the "Echizen-dai-ikki", which made Meiji political power aiming at "Modernization from Above" expose a semifeudalistic and absolute character.

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Problems of local control by the central government in the early stage of the Meiji Period still remain unclear. This paper discusses a period from the establishment of the Meiji government to the abolition of feudal domains and establishment of prefectures to elucidate details of local government and relations between problems of local rule and the political process of the new government. Firstly, this paper specifically covers matters which have been rarely discussed, such as functions of the Ministry of Home Affairs (民部官) and the role of the Deputy Minister for Home Affairs, Saneomi Hirosawa (広沢真臣), and describes how government agencies for local rule were set up in the initial stage of the Meiji Period, and other particular aspects of the agencies. The ministry's measures for ruling prefectures derived from an idea of Saneomi Hirosawa, who strove to establish a prefectural government in Kyoto. In explaining the character of these measures, this paper makes it clear that the measures included enlightened spects while promoting centralized rule. As examples, the ministry's establishment of prefectural assemblies and its administrative inspectors sent to local governments are cited. Secondly, this paper describes difficulties in local rule by the new government under pressure from Europe and the United States and intra-government conflicts over local rule. It is pointed out that Saneomi Hirosawa's idea played an important role in the separation, especially the separation of the Home Affairs Ministry from the Finance Ministry in July 1870. Furthermore, it is explain that behind separation there were intra-governmental conflicts over local rule and criticism by local administrators against the two ministries. Thirdly, this paper touches upon the role that problems of local rule played in the abolition of feudal domains and establishment of prefectures in 1871, and other reforms before and after that. It explains that Toshimichi Okubo (大久保利通), who took the initiative in the 1871 reforms, intended to curb the considerable influence of the Finance Ministry for a stable Government while strengthening the authority of the Imperial Court. The basic political course of the new Meiji government was centralization under financial pressure. Based on the analysis in this paper, however, I believe the government's internal confusion, caused by problems of local rule and subsequent reforms of government agencies, characterize the new Meiji regime during its process of establishment.

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