Hitherto there has probably been little research on the following points; in what contexts and to what extent has been formed the subject matter or the foundation, which Marx developed in the first manuscript (1865) of "Das Kapital" Book II /Part 1, in the manuscripts "Zur Kritik der Politischen Okonomie 1861-1863"; and what importance it carried in the Formation of Marx's "Das Kapital" as a whole. Marx interrupts the description of 'Theories of Surplus-Value' in the manuscripts (1861-63) No. XV and enters there 'Episode. Revenue and its Sources', in which he observes the 'fetish' relation between 'revenue' (interest) and its 'Source' (interest-bearing capital). On this occassion, he fills in a digressive supplement: 'Different Forms of Capital', in which he explains that the metamorphosis ( = transitions) of capital in the circulationsprocess are the processes with a time and therefore one part of industrial capital must always operate in this process; and that circulation capital becomes commercial capital, inasmuch as the function of capital in the process of circulation is 'fixed' as a special function of special capital. In the other digressive supplement which follows, Marx clarifies firstly the following from the viewpoint of 'continuty of the production process', distinguished from the viewpoint of 'separate production processes'; that the process of circulation, M-C or C-M carries a different meaning, according to either point of view; and that we can find '3 forms of reproduction' (the 'prototype' of 'the formula of the capital circuits'), according to the former point of view. In 'Commercial Capital' (manuscript No. XVII) followed after this 'Episode', 'a continuation of a process of production within the process of circulation'-e. g., transportation, warehousing, etc.-is analyzed in order to extract 'the pure merchant's capital', and further, 'the cost of the pure merchant's capital' and 'the cost of circulation' by means of 'technical operation' related with money-dealing are observed. These become materials and the foundation of 'Cost of Circulation'. And on the basis of the 'prototype' of 'the formula of the capital circuit' (includig the synchronism of 3 circuit types), Marx analyzes 2 forms of 'commercial capital', i. e. merchant's capital and money-dealing capital. Finally he indicates that we can at last describe 'capital as credit', for we have analyzed money-dealing capital, i. e. the money-capital rendered independent as 'a special sort of capital'. Therefore the formation of the subject matter or the fundation of Book II/Part 1, especially of the 'prototype' of 'capitalcircuits', makes an epoch in the process of the formation of not only "Das Kapital" Book II, but of its Book III.

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There were various sizes of landlord domains in the rice monoculture area, which was the core of the landlordism in Japan. Many researchers have analyzed the landlord-tenant relations in the Shonai plain, but researchers' opinions on their historical characteristics are not consistent with each other. The aim of this paper is to clarify characteristics of the making of large landlord in the Edo Period, by a case study of the Akino family the second largest landlord at Shonai in the Edo Period. The entry areas on the land surveying books were different from the actual ones at Shonai in the Edo Period. The quantity of farm rent in kind, so-called "watariguchimai" which characterized the landlord-tenant relations in this period was estimated by "karimoto". The "karimoto" were the number of harvested riceplants that indicated the actual area of paddy field. The term "nawanobi" refers to the difference between the registered area on the land surveying books and the actual area. Under the high feudal rent in kind, it was very profitable to hold "nawanobi". The wealthy peasantries and the merchants accumulated "nawanobi". The merchants got a large quantity of farm rent in kind from "nawanobi". On the other hand, the wealthy peasantries cultivated "nawanobi" to obtain high profits, and leased out other parts of their holding. The Akino family was in possession of 273 ha of land in the early Meiji era. At the beginning, the Akino family was a port-town-merchant. Akinos' holding increased rapidly in the Bunka-Bunsei era (1804-1829). In this era, the Akino family lent the wealthy peasantries and the merchants a large amount of money, and obtained "nawanobi" through moneylending. The major sources of income for the Akino family were farm rent in kind from "nawanobi" in the later Edo Period.

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In Germany just after the First World War smaller businesses such as processing and finishing industries were short of coals and suffered from the high price. They denounced the coal syndicate which dominated the production and trade of coals. This criticism of the coal syndicate had an important effect upon the cooperative economy, in 1919-1920. Comparatively little attention was to date given to this affair. The purpose of this paper is to analyze the relations between the coal consuming smaller businesses and the coal syndicate and the distinctive features in the cooprative economy in the above period. Conclusion of the analysis mentioned above are as follows: First, before and during the war the smaller businesses had opposed the powers of monopolies, and after the war in the cooprative economy they conflicted with the coal syndicate more fiercely. On the one hand, the smaller businesses were protected by the state which considered the interests of consumers, and on the other hand, the coal syndicate was supported by the colliers whose interests coincided with it's. Then the complicated relation between "anti-monopoly and monopoly" influenced political and economical affairs, especially the Cartel Regulation Act of 1923, in Weimar Era. Second, the cooprative economy tried to reform the coal market. The condition of market, concretely the coal price, was regulated by the Ministry of Economy which attempted to stabilize demand and supply, and furthermore, the producers, sellers and consumers of coals were organizing through various cartels to adjust differences of interest. Then the cooprative economy was characterized as the idea that a market should be organized with the intervention of the state. Already in the prewar period this idea was claimed by the anti-monopoly movement which had an important effect upon the parliament in those days. Thus it is obvious that the cooprative economy cannot be fully understood without the anti-monopoly movement before and after the war.

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