Sennan district in Osaka prefecture was one of the largest producing centers of cotton fabrics in pre-war Japan. The purpose of this paper is to analyze two interesting features of the cotton-weaving industry in Sennan. Firstly Sennan had held its very high growth rate prior to the other largest producing centers since 1920s. This high growth rate had been brought directly by the rapid expansion; of its export. However it had three more special conditions as follows; (1) It was located close to Osaka City. (2) It contained a number of large-scale factories. (3) It had the structure of circulation of money and commodity, which was, prior to the other districts, specially completed for the export of cotton fabrics. In the Inter-War period, the specific producing centers developed remarkably by laying emphasis on producing cotton fabrics for export. Three conditions, above mentioned, enabled Sennan to transform into the producing district for export and to develop highly in 1920s, when the other largest producing centers could not get out of depression. Since Sennan inclined to the foreign market, it had held very important position in the cotton-weaving industry since early 1920s. Secondly a number of large-scale factories were contained in Sennan compared to the other producing centers. Sennan began to produce gray cotton fabrics for export on a full scale in early 1920s, therefore the scale of factories in Sennan had to be relatively larger than in the other producing centers, where cotton fabrics for demestic consumption were principally produced. It was the enormous profits earned around the World War I that enabled Sennan to succeed in the large scale in early 1920s. However this feature seems to have been kept during the Inter-War period, because, compared to the other districts, the fund formation to hold and expand the scale of factories were promoted by the development led by export. The previous studies concluded that the cotton-weaving industry in the producing centers cannot possibly develop. Some specific districts, like Sennan, however, have developed and those view points should be carefully considered again.

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The British Shipping (Assistance) Act, 1935 had the following two implications. First, this Act constituted part of the series of the Government's rationalization programs in the 1930s for the sake of the old key industries such as iron and steel, coal or cotton industries. Second, the Act concretized the first comprehensive protection policies for the tramp shipping which was a highly cometitive section within the shippimg industry. In this article, it was confirmed at first on a statistical basis that the British tramp tonnage diminshed in the inter-war years ; then the reasons for this decline were examined with regard to both demand for and supply of tonnage. Through such an inquiry, it was affirmed that the British tramp shipping as a section of the shipping industry was on the decline in the long run. As expected, the earnings of tramp owners which had been extremely low throughout the 1920s were further worsened by the Great Depression. With a view to relieving the tramp sector from "being on the edge of bankruptcy," the Shipping Assistance Act came into force in 1935. The Act prescribed two policies, i. e., the payment of voyage subsidy tied up with the minimum freight scheme, on the one hand, and the scrap and build scheme, on the other. Although each policy contributed, to some degree, to mitigate the financial difficulties of tramp owners and to stimulate replacement of older vessels, it failed to relieve the British tramp shipping from "being declining." One of the reasons for this is that the aims of the two policies were incompatible with each other ; however, a more important reason is that the tramp owners reacted differently to the two policies. The voyage subsidy and the minimum freight scheme were welcomed by shipowners because these, regardless of their efficiency, would serve to preserve the existing tonnage; and therefore, even after the expiration of the subsidy Act in 1937, the minimum freight scheme was maintained as a voluntary scheme of cooperation among shipowners until the outbreak of World War II. On the other hand, shipowners took a half-hearted attitude to the scrap and build scheme because it aimed at the improvement of tramp fleet at the expense of less efficient vessels. With regard to replacement of older vessels, too, the British shipowners' response to technical innovation was rather slow in the sense that they preferred steam vessels to diesel vessels. These conservative managerial attiudes of the tramp owners constituted one, nevertheless most important, factor that perpetuated low margins in their shipping sector and induced the sector's decline over a long run.

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In 1790, at Lyon, three thousand citizens founded 31 clubs of section or faubourg and the Central Club who's objections were the learnings of citizen's rights and duties, and the surveillances of administrations. After the crisis of auguste 1792, these clubs that were leaded by Chalier and his partisans, required the Gironde Municipality to enact the laws of Maximum des prix des denrees and of Taxe forcee sur les riches, and to levy Armee revolutionnaire lyonnaise. On February 1793, a mayor girondin Niviere-Chol was dismissed by the Central Club that organized a sans-culotte movement. Finally, Bertrand, partisan of Chalier, was nominated for the mayor by the election on March. But the moderes resisted obstinately against "les Chaliers" and the sans-culotte movement in the city of Lyon. In consequence, the Municipality of "les Chaliers" was overthrown by the insurrection of moderes on 29 May 1793. "Les Chaliers" were arrested and the clubs of section or faubourg were closed by the counter-revolutionary Municipality. This article is about this sans-culotte movement and it's leaders "les Chaliers", especially between 1790 and 92. It is consisted of four chapters. The first chapter reviews historical studies concerning the revolutionary Lyon from the Revolution time to the present day. The second argues the institutionel features of the clubs of section or faubourg and the Central Club, it's origins and organizations, it's social compositions of members etc…. The third observes the social origins of Chalier and his partisans (6 principal members of Tribunal de District de la ville de Lyon-Dodieu, Gaillard, Bussat, Fernex, Dubessey and Hidins, the mayor Bertrand, a member of Comite lyonnais de salut public Achard, officier municipal Riard de Beauvernois, notables Roullot and Sautemouch); and traces the evolution of their activities and of their ideas before and during the early Revolution. The last attempts to analyse on club's activities and tendencies from it's foundation time to 1792, touching the relations of the clubs and "les Chaliers".

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