The purpose of this paper is to investigate the relation between the Silesian linen industry and the European, especially British economy in the 17th and 18th centuries. The main conclusions are as follows. (1) Until the middle of the 18th century England was the main market of the Silesian linen. The reasons were the fact that the Silesians had succeeded in the imitation of the French linen and the relative low duties on German linen. (2) The interest of the English woollen manufacturers reflected in these low duties, because they thought that the intended import of the linen would urge the specialization in the linen production in Germany. The same policy was applied to Ireland and Scotland. But because of the importance as the market of the English woollen Germany was treated better. (3) Thus the relation of exchange between the English woollen and the German linen came into existence. In fact the Anglo-German trade in the 18th century was the woollen-linen trade. But this relation was realized by Hamburg's intermediary trade. (4) The British and Irish linen manufacturers claimed the removal of the drawback and the additional duties on German linen. But the English woollen manufacturers opposed and checked these claims, because they thought that the high duties on German linen would cause the reprisal duties against the English woollen goods. (5) In Silesia the duties on the foreign woollen goods were till 1766 low, though the governments of Austria and Prussia had the protective intention. But thereafter the duty level was increased and in 1771 its import was prohibited, and the coincidence of the interest of the English woollen industry with that of the Silesian linen industry broke. (6) Besides at that time the production of linen in Great Britain and Ireland increased considerably and the English cotton industry began to develop. Thus Silesian linen was driven out of the English market and later it was deprived of the other foreign and home markets by the British products. The structure of the British Economy and its change influenced the prosperity and decline of the Silesian linen industry.

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This paper offers some new insights into the development of the Chinese cotton industry in the 1920s and the 1930s. According to the text books on Chinese modern economic history published in China, it is said that Chinese-owned cotton mills always faced difficulties during this period because of problems with their own management and competition from Japanese-owned cotton mills established in China. This point of view is not quite true, or at the least, there exist important excepsions. Actually it has been impossible for many economic historians to examine primary sources of the management of Chinese cotton mills. And this is one of the main reasons why the development of the Chinese cotton industry has been misunderstood in the past. Now the condition has began to change. We can use a series of documents on the management of several cotton mills including Shenxin, Yong'an, Huaxin, Yuxua, and so on. By means of the analysis of the management, this paper tries to make clear the regional differences of the development of the Chinese cotton industry and compare some kinds of the types of the management. The results are as follows. (1) We can find out two regions where the Chinese cotton industry was well developed. On one hand, using lots of foreign raw cotton and selling cotton goods to the nationwide market, Chinese-owned cotton mills in Shanghai enjoyed good business results. On the other hand, Chinese-owned cotton mills located in the inland also earned large profits because they could easily buy cheap raw cotton and sell their products in rural markets. (2) Some of Chinese-owned cotton mills performed favorble management, while others did not. We can point out that the actions of management, the power of management against stockholders, and the power to raise capital highly differentiated the business results of each of the cotton mills.

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The crisis of IMF (the suspension of exchanging gold and dollar; break down dollar exchange standard system) and micro-electronics revolution was delivered from contradiction in the structure which modern imperialism had created after World War II. The main goal of this study analyzes the NICs' construction of capital accumulation. In such a case, we have to analyze the production process in NICs. So we are able to make clear the structure created by modern imperialism after World War II and to confirm "East Asia Integration" (America-Japan-Korea) of this day. Therefore we are able to clear the new stage of imperialistic dependence of NICs' type in the '70's. The object of these analysis should be South-Korea. In Korea, worker in agriculture, forestry and fishery amounted to 62% of whole workers, and also these output came to 40% of gross output in 1960's. Such agricultural country accomplishes industrialization to turn into heavy and chemical industrial country in the past 10 years or so. But as a result of industrialzation, Korea's trade balance goes into red ink and the degree of dependence upon foreign trade is increasing every year. It comes to 65% on the average after 1975 and at last 70% in 1981. The development of capitalism in Korea after '70's is based on the growth of the machinery and tool industry. This growth is also much indebted to the machine and tool import. It is necessary for the export to increase the speed. In view of the process of production, the dependence on import and the compulsion in export come to the division of production process. This is the mechanism of Korea development of capitalism and the base of the relation amoung Japan-Korea-America.

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