The main purpose of this paper is to show in how far the conception of the combine-reform in the GDR, which had been designed in the second half of the seventies, was realized in the eighties. Through this analysis it is hoped to make clear how the industrial organization was changed and what kind of problems had the reform. Special consideration will be given to the influence of the combine-reform by which industrial factories were organized. From the second half of the sixties until the early seventies combines controlled by the state and associations of state-owned enterprises which were called "Vereinigungen Volkseigener Betriebe" (=VVB) were established. The United Socialist Party of Germany (SED) and the government of the GDR wanted to create a new form of industrial organization in which factories were to be combined either depending on their technical context of successive production levels or depending on their products. The result was that a dual structure emerged in the production process and in the state management and planning system. Since the middle of the seventies, caused by the first oil crisis, a renewed wave of combine establishments occurred. The Central Committee of the SED decided upon a fundamental restructuring of industries by forming combines. The aim was to heighten the intervention power of the state against industries. At the same time the total dissolution of VVB's was carried out in order to remove the middle management which had become too bureaucratic. In 1979 the "combine-directive" was promulgated in order to fix the emerging centralized structure in the state management and planning system. This process of combine-building had been pursued in a rush thereby leaving some problems unresolved which had been specific for each branch. In order to improve the combine-reform at this point a restructuring of the combines was proposed by Gerd Friedrich and other economists in the second half of the eighties. But the SED and the central government tried to overcome the deepening economic crisis at the end of the seventies through a steadily increasing state control and guidance instead of restructuring.

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I had determine the Korean Capitalism as oversea reproduction and cycle structure in 1986 (Tochiseidoshigaku No. 113). This structure had been defined in 3 points : 1) the oversea dependence in instrument of labour and subject of labour 2) production of domestic labour force 3) compulsory export. This structure was established in 1980 in Korea. It was produced by Japan and U.S. in the dissolution of the cold war system. So the fundamental factor was outside of Korea. In my article I had to drop the historical point of view to emphasize the sturcture. Therefor this paper summarizes history of Korean capitalism after the Second World War. Through my work, I would like to clear the structure of korean capitalism. The first period: 1945-1953: The dissolution and reorganization period of colonial structure. The second period: 1953-1961: The assistance reliance and reduce reproduction period. The third period: 1961-1971: The preliminary period of over sea reproduction and cycle structure. The forth period: 1971-1980: The establishment period of over sea reproduction and cycle structure. In this way the aim of this paper is to examine the structure of korean capitalism.

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Starting from an analysis of the ambiguous passage quoted in the title, we have examined two major polyptyca of the 9th century, those of the Abbeies of Prum and Saint-Germain-des-Pres. It appears that the work arbitrarily ordered by the lord and week-work mentioned in these documents were similar in actual content. The former was realised as the labour of several weekdays. The latter, formally defined as the obligation to serve three days a week, depended on the lord's will. In the historiography of labour service since 1945, begun by a French scholar, Ch.-Ed. Perrin, and critically continued by German, Italian and English younger medievalists, such as L. Kuchenbuch etc., the affinity of its two major forms has been well recognised. Thus one can undoutedly find the most developed form of early medieval labour service in the combination of these two formulae: arbitrarily ordered work with a strong tendency .to become week-work, or week-work depending largely on the lord's will. Furthermore this knowledge provides material on some important issues, such as the most developed form of the feudal rent in labour, the relative importance of slavery in the working force on the lord's demesne and the chronological sequence of different modes of labour service on the early medieval estates.

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Moscow province was the region where grass-sowing (multi-field system) in peasant communes (obshchinyi) was the most developed in Russia cicra 1900. Diffusing the introduction of district-agronomy since 1908, zemstva of Moscow province tried to expand the agronomic assistance to peasantry. On the other hand, the government threatened by the first Russian Revolution in 1905 began to rigorously execute the policy of land consolidation (Stolypin agrarian reform), which aimed to disband peasant communes and to increase private peasants (khutora and otruba). The laws of land consolidation by the government which tried to disband peasant communes strongly restricted the adoption of grass-sowing by peasant communes. Under the laws, the agronomists of zemstva who had helped to introduce multi-field system in Moscow province could no longer continue their activities. In addition, the government pushed the agronomic organizations of zemstva to help private peasants, and requested the targets of their assistance activities be moved from peasant communes to private peasants. While many of zemstva in Russia followed the government's policy, the zemstva of Moscow province persisted to assist peasant communes. The number of peasant villages which adopted grass-sowing radically dropped during the period between 1909 and 1913. The primary reason of this was the land consolidation policy of the government. However, the number increased and the movement of grass-sowing became resurgent after 1914 with the weakness of the domestic policy implementation by the government during the war. This tells us how strongly the peasants were eager to adopt grass-sowing and how much the policy of land consolidation hampered the development of grass-sowing in peasant communes.

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