オリエント

ミトラス教起源論の諸問題

小川英雄

1990 年 33 巻 1 号 p. 1-14
発行日: 1990/09/30
公開日: 2010/03/12

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.33.1

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A convincing explanation of the origin of the mysteries of Mithras has posed a challenge that several writers since the days of Franz Cumont have attempted to successfully resolve. According to Cumont, Mithraism was the Romanized form of Mazdaism which was subsequently established in Asia Minor as a mystic cult.
In this article, I surveyed the history of various proposed scientific theories about the secret formation of Mithraism in the eastern Roman provinces. Moreover, I analyzed the structure of the cult of the Tyrian god Melqart, compared it with the cult of Mithras, and found some significant similarities in both the myths and rituals of the two sects.

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ANA'IYAH -スフラワルディーにおける「自我」の概念-

小林春夫

1990 年 33 巻 1 号 p. 15-29
発行日: 1990/09/30
公開日: 2010/03/12

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.33.15

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Suhrawardi, Shaykh al-Ishrdq (d. 587/1191), distinguishes two opposing ideas of ego: ego which is substantial and incorruptible and ego which is unreal and has to be annihilated. First, I have elucidated these ideas respectively. Concerning the first idea, on the basis of Ibn Sind's arguments of soul, he establishes its substantiality and the theory of self-consciousness as its essential element. As for the second, however, he follows the sufis' ethical approach to ego as a source of ego-centric behaviors in created beings and describes its total annihilation (fana') and its unification (ittihad) with the Absolute Being through many stages of spiritual experience.
In the concluding part of this paper, I have analyzed the concepts of ‘annihilation’ and ‘unification’ in order to interpret his concept of ego harmoniously. By ‘annihilation’ he does not intend the annihilation of ego as substance, but the extinction of such consciousness of ego as estimates itself valuable and self-sufficient. Similarly, he does not mean by ‘unification’ the corruption of ego and the continuation of the Absolute Being, but the mode of being which enjoy the purely immaterial substances. Namely, in the same way as those substances, ego, when it separates its body and becomes purely immaterial, joints the immaterial world and becomes indistinguishable from each other spatially. Through these two stages, ego comes very near to the Absolute Being and enjoys the eternal and intellectual life.

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アブドゥル・ジャッバールの人間論

原子論的存在論における自己同一性

塩尻和子

1990 年 33 巻 1 号 p. 30-44
発行日: 1990/09/30
公開日: 2010/03/12

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.33.30

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It is the foundation of the ethics in Islam that man is to be judged hereafter according to what he has done in this world. On the resurrection God will create man anew as same as created first time in this world. 'Abe al-Jabbar established his theory on the self-identity which continues from this world to the hereafter from the viewpoint of the Mu'tazilite atomic ontology, in which the things in this world are conceived to be composed of atoms and their inhering accidents.
On the contrary to most of the earlier Mu'tazila who insist that the reality of man be the spirit, 'Abd al-Jabbar maintains that his reality is in his total living body with the life and the physical structure in addition to the spirit. The spirit is distinct from the physical body and it cannot be realized without life in the body. Man is not only an exterior unity composed of several atoms and accidents with its special structure distinct from other beings, but also an interior unity composed of spirit, life and other accidents. In this meaning he calls man “Living Totality (jumla al-hayy)”.
On the resurrection, this living totality is to be created anew as the same man as in this world. 'Abd al-Jabbar conceives the minimal unit of the atoms (aqall al- ajza') which survives the resurrection and continues to be in the hereafter. While the spirit perishes together with life and physical body at the death of man, the minimal unit of the atoms remains and is transferred to the next life. The core of his identity is this minimal unit of the atoms. This will be the kernel, the centre of self-identity in the hereafter; a substrate in which the new spirit, the new life and the new physical body, completely distinct from those of this world, will inhere.

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タァズィーエ考

カージャーノ嘲イランにおける宗教と歴史の相関についての一考察

嶋本隆光

1990 年 33 巻 1 号 p. 45-63
発行日: 1990/09/30
公開日: 2010/03/12

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.33.45

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Ta'zieh (passion play or representation of the tragedy of Kerbala), which is the religious practice peculiar to Shi'ism, in particular Twelver Imami Shi'ism in Iran, is said to have reached its zenith in the 19th century of Qajar Iran. We could observe in this practice two conspicuous yet rather contradictory characteristics; one is uncovered orgiastic eruption of religious passion and the other peacefully festive expectation.
In this paper, present author will make an attempt to analyze this contradictory features of Ta'zieh by referring to Ta'zieh (ritual mourning specifically for the Imams and their family) in the period betweenca. 1885-1906 and 'Azadari (mourning for the deceased in general) during the Constitutional Revolution, thus comparing the two to find their correlationship.
Despite the fact that frequent eruptions of unusual religious feelings were its concomitant, generally annual Ta'zieh-dari seems to have been performed more or less under control, whether self-imposed or imposed by authority, thus creaitng a peacefully festive atmosphere.
Contrary to this, 'Azadari, when it was peformed under socially, economically and politically stressed conditions, could easily be trans-formed into uncontrollable force vis-à-vis unjust govermnent. Here 'Azadari was carried out just as if it were truely the Kerbela event. This transformative process took place chiefly because the participants of 'Azadari had been acquainted with the main themes of Ta'zieh through annual Ta'zieh-dari.
The occasion of Ta'zieh-dari was the one in which the people were, whether consciously or unconsciously, “educated” to be good Twelver Imdmi Shi'i believers. Indeed its visual and auditory representation must have been of great effect. Under the critical historical circumstances those who had been “educated” in this occasion and imbued with the basic principle of the religion could easily turn into the warriors of “Holy War” with Imam Hosein against the enemy of faith.

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マムノレーク朝期のタサウウフの位置をめぐる一考察 -イブン・タイミーヤの神秘主義哲学批判を中心として-

東長靖

1990 年 33 巻 1 号 p. 64-79
発行日: 1990/09/30
公開日: 2010/03/12

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.33.64

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In my last paper [in The World of Islam, Nos. 33/34, 1990] on the controversies over the orthodoxy of Wahdah al-wujud in the late Mamluk period, I pointed out that most of the sufis were within the ‘orthodox’ and that in this period we find no ‘ulama’ vs sufi schema.
In this article I take up Ibn Taymiyah's comprehension of tasawwuf for enlargement of my last study. It is fact that Ibn Taymiyah, who belongs to the early Mamluk period, severely criticized Wahdah al-wujud and some popular sufi practices, but he was not against tasawwuf itself.
He divides sufis into three groups as follows; (1) ‘true’ sufis who worship only Allah, (2) sufis who observe legal (shar'i) manners in their practices, and (3) superficial sufis who follow some customs without understanding of their true meaning. He puts his own position in the first group, and from this inner standpoint he criticizes other sufis such as those of Ahmadiyah-Rifa'iyah Tariqah, who belong to the third group, for their innovation and deviation from shari'ah, and demands their repentance. According to his view, Wahdah al-wujud goes outside of this framework of sufis. So his criticism on Wahdah al-wujud was not against tasawwuf, rather his aim was to defend ‘true’ tasawwuf as he thinks it.
From this and the last study, we can conclude that nobody was against tasawwuf itself in the Mamluk period with the only exception of Wahdah al-wujud, which was criticized as philosophy by some, not all, thinkers.

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ウル第三王朝時代の Gú-na ma-da

前田徹

1990 年 33 巻 1 号 p. 80-95
発行日: 1990/09/30
公開日: 2010/03/12

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.33.80

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The purpose of this paper is to distinguish between gú-na and gú-na ma-da. Gú-na tribute was brought by rulers of vassal states from the far distant regions as proof of their obedience to the suzerainty of the Ur III dynasty.
On the other hand, gú-na ma-da was a tribute from the stationary troops on the east bank of the Tigris, where there was a strategic point against invading hostile tribes. The gú-na ma-da was introduced as a new tribute in the middle of the reign of Shu-Sin in order to strengthen military and civil governorship of the troops and to secure the political and military stability in the district.

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古代メソポタミアの神像とその素材

松島英子

1990 年 33 巻 1 号 p. 96-112
発行日: 1990/09/30
公開日: 2010/03/12

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.33.96

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A divine statue played a very important role in the religion of the ancient Mesopotamia. It was considered to be a vividly realistic sacred being, god of a very real sense. It was actually fed and clothed. In the first millenia B. C., the statue was made with wooden materials, I believe, according to some evidences. Then, what were the materials of the divine statues in both the second and the third millenium? Some certain year names of the period of the 3rd dynastie of Ur, Isin, Larsa and the Ist dynasty of Babylon suggest that small copper or bronze made divine statues were dedicated by the kings of those days in the temples there. Certain texts of economic concern of the Ur III period also tell us about the manufacture of the statues with copper or bronze materials. Though the numbers have still been few, lists of divine clothings and jewelries of the Ur III period, mainly of the old Babylonian period and thereafter, have also revealed to us. As I think that a large and wodden-made statue should also have required to wear clothings and jewelries, I am inclined to assume that wooden statues came to apear about this period.

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14世紀アナトリア史の根本史料『宴と戦い』について

今澤浩二

1990 年 33 巻 1 号 p. 113-123
発行日: 1990/09/30
公開日: 2010/03/12

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.33.113

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古代エジプトにおける生者と死者との互恵関係に関する一考察

アク (3h) とアク・イケル・エン・ラー (3h ikr n R^c)

内田杉彦

1990 年 33 巻 1 号 p. 124-137
発行日: 1990/09/30
公開日: 2010/03/12

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.33.124

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ズィンミーのワクフ

松田俊道

1990 年 33 巻 1 号 p. 138-147
発行日: 1990/09/30
公開日: 2010/03/12

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.33.138

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アケメネス朝ペルシア帝国史研究の一動向

佐藤進

1990 年 33 巻 1 号 p. 148-157
発行日: 1990/09/30
公開日: 2010/03/12

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.33.148

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第4回「大学と科学」公開シンポジウム参加記

古山学

1990 年 33 巻 1 号 p. 158-159
発行日: 1990/09/30
公開日: 2010/03/12

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.33.158

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Jamsheed K. Choksy; foreword by Richard N. Frye, Purity and pollution in Zoroastrianism: triumph over evil, University of Texas Press, Austin, Texas, 1989, xxvii+185 pp

岡田明憲

1990 年 33 巻 1 号 p. 162-168
発行日: 1990/09/30
公開日: 2010/03/12

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.33.162

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紹介

前田徹

1990 年 33 巻 1 号 p. 169
発行日: 1990/09/30
公開日: 2010/03/12

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.33.169

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紹介

前田徹

1990 年 33 巻 1 号 p. 170-171
発行日: 1990/09/30
公開日: 2010/03/12

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.33.170

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