巻号一覧
49 巻 (2006)
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49 巻, 2 号
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高井 啓介2006 年 49 巻 2 号 p. 1-21
発行日: 2006年
公開日: 2010/03/12
ジャーナル フリーThe Old Babylonian Sumerian letters have been divided into three types, archival letter-orders, literary letters, and a particular group of literary letters referred to as “Gottesbriefe” or “letter-prayers.” As these terms imply, this third group includes letters addressed to various deities, that is, prayers in letter-form.
The “Gottesbriefe” usually have a lengthy opening salutation, continue with a brief self-introduction of the letter-writer, and proceed to the body of the letter, which includes a complaint describing either the causes or the consequences of the letter-writer's suffering, together with a petition for protection or relief from the suffering. It should be strongly pointed out, however, that this formal character of “Gottesbriefe” is also shared by letters addressed to kings and others.
The present writer particularly pays attention to the relationship between the opening salutation and the contents of the body of the letter. He proves that, both in the letters addressed to gods and those to kings, an elongated salutation apparently goes along with the inclusion of a “petition” in the body of the letter. If such relationship is true, there is no good reason to exclude the letters addressed to the kings and others from the group. However if the letters addressed to the kings and others are included in the same group, as those addressed to gods, that is the “letter-prayer” category, the term “letter prayers” is no longer an appropriate label. The present writer proposes that, if a label for this group is necessary, “letter of petition” should be adequate.
The present writer also describes the probable course of the gradual transformation that the Old Babylonian Sumerian archival and literary letters experienced.抄録全体を表示PDF形式でダウンロード (1421K) -
シュメル語シュイラ祈祷 ur-sag úru ur4-ur4「勇士, 逆巻く洪水」におけるマルドゥクの名前と称号柴田 大輔2006 年 49 巻 2 号 p. 22-39
発行日: 2006年
公開日: 2010/03/12
ジャーナル フリーThe explanation of names of deities played a significant role in the theology of ancient Mesopotamia. The most important example of such an explanation is Enuma eliš VI 121-VII 144, where Marduk is invested with his fifty different names, alongside “explanatory epithets” which interpret each of the names. The significance given to the names and explanatory epithets in the ancient theology can be seen, above all, in commentaries to Enuma eliš.
The present article deals with a hitherto overlooked example of such explanatory epithets of Marduk, mentioned in the Sumerian Šuilla-prayer ur-sag úru ur4-ur4, “Hero, Devastating Flood”. In the litany of this prayer Marduk is addressed with names which belong to the fifty names in Enuma eliš. Each name is followed by an explanatory epithet. Based on comparable evidence from explanatory epithets in other texts, the way in which these epithets stem from the names of Marduk will be analyzed. In light of the editorial history of the prayer and the purpose of its recitation in cult, the reason for the mention of the names and epithets of Marduk in the prayer will be further investigated.抄録全体を表示PDF形式でダウンロード (1342K) -
新彊ウチャ出土一括コインのカウンターマークとの関係から見た新知見津村 眞輝子2006 年 49 巻 2 号 p. 40-69
発行日: 2006年
公開日: 2010/03/12
ジャーナル フリーThis article discusses the meaning of the “score mark” left on the Sasanian and Arab-Sasanian silver coins discovered in 1959 at Wuqia in the Xinjiang-Uygur Autonomous Region of northwest China.
The Wuqia hoard was studied by Chinese and Japanese researchers, including the present author, and the results were published in 2003. The hoard consists of 918 Sasanian and Arab-Sasanian silver drachms with dates between A. D. 588 and 679.
During our study of those coins, a number of discoveries were made. One of them was the presence of “score marks” in the margin of 84 coins. By comparing the “score marks” with other characteristics of the coins, the mark was determined to be related to the “countermark”. A “countermark” is a stamp or mark impressed on a coin to verify its use by another government, or to indicate revaluation. Similar sets of “score marks” and “countermarks” also appear on other Sasanian silver coins stored in private and public collections.
Thus, the author concludes that the “score mark” was probably used to test the quality of the silver before striking a specific “countermark”.抄録全体を表示PDF形式でダウンロード (7019K) -
12世紀前半シリアの勢力構図の変動中村 妙子2006 年 49 巻 2 号 p. 70-90
発行日: 2006年
公開日: 2010/03/12
ジャーナル フリーThe Byzantine emperor John II made Syrian expeditions twice, in the 1130s and 1140s. From the beginning of the twelfth century, the Syrian cities and the Crusader States preserved the balance of power through economic agreements and military alliances. However, Zangi, ruler of Aleppo, refused to maintain this balance-of-power policy and started to advance southward in Syria to recover lost territories from the Crusaders and obtain farmland which was under Damascus' rule. John carried out his expedition at this time.
John compelled Raymond of Poitiers, the consort of the heiress of Antioch, to become his liege vassal. John and Raymond agreed that Raymond would hand Antioch over to John in return for cities, currently in Muslim hands, which John would capture leading a joint Byzantine-Crusader army. But Raymond had John attack cities whose power Raymond himself wanted to reduce. Also, as the nobility of Antioch, who had come from south Italy, had influence over Raymond, John could not appoint a Greek Orthodox cleric as patriarch of Antioch. Furthermore, an encyclical issued by Pope Innocent II stating that all Latins serving in the Byzantine army were forbidden to attack Christians in Crusader States, forced John to reduce his claims on Antioch, being conscious of the West's eyes. John even sent messengers to Zangi investigating the possibility of forming an alliance with him if the nobility of Antioch rejected him.
John's Syrian expeditions largely changed the balance of power in Syria and made Zangi's advance in southern Syria easy. Zangi recaptured his lost territories, just after John retreated from besieging Shaizar, where Zangi had confronted him. The Byzantine threat and the reputation which Zangi gained as a strong leader made Damascus yield him Hims, which would be a base for his further advance southward in Syria.抄録全体を表示PDF形式でダウンロード (1595K) -
1930年代前半における東南アジア・ハドラミー移民社会の内紛と仲裁の試み山口 元樹2006 年 49 巻 2 号 p. 91-109
発行日: 2006年
公開日: 2010/03/12
ジャーナル フリーEarly in the twentieth century, a dispute concerning the privileges of the sayyid-shaiif, the descendants of the Prophet Muhammad, occurred within the Hadrami community of Southeast Asia. In Hadramawt, the homeland of the Hadrami immigrants, members of Al 'Alawi a clan of sayyid-sharif, were entitled to high social status. Within the Hadrami community of Southeast Asia, however, a group emerged disclaiming the special status of 'Alawis, or sayyid-sharif generally, as a violation of the notion of the equality between all Muslims. They established an organization called Irshad in Batavia in 1914. The conflict between the 'Alawis and the Irshadis continued until the 1930s.
Previous literature has considered the dispute as concerning predominance in the Hadrami community and presented it only as viewed within the local context. The roles of Muslims other than Hadramis in the struggle and the arguments about the privileges of sayyid-sharif themselves have not been discussed. The present article considers the dispute within the larger context, focusing on the intervention of non-Hadrami Muslims. This article deals with the attempts at reconciliation undertaken by two leaders of the Middle East, Rashid Rida and Shakib Arslan, during the first half of the 1930s.
In this period, the Irshadis questioned the validity of the genealogy of 'Alawis as the descendents of Muhammad. The object of this argument was the 'Alawis only, irrelevant of the privileges of the sayyid-sharif The leaders of the Middle East denied this claim of the Irshadis. This shows that the leaders considered the dispute to be about the status of sayyid-sharif. The result of the reconciliation gave a heavy blow to the Irshadis. This article concludes that the dispute had two dimensions: one was within the context of the Hadrami community, and the other, which had a predominance in the dispute, was not restricted locally, but concerned the privileges of sayyid-shaiif generally.抄録全体を表示PDF形式でダウンロード (1560K) -
白井 弥生2006 年 49 巻 2 号 p. 110-132
発行日: 2006年
公開日: 2010/03/12
ジャーナル フリーThe Old Kingdom (ca. 2687-2191BC: 3-6 Dynasties) saw the emergence of large-scale private mortuary cults for the first time in Egypt. This can be observed in the textual attestations of private funerary domains and in the legal documentation pertaining to the administration of mortuary cults. It is however unknown for how long these cults continued to be perpetuated after the death of the tomb owner, nor are the processes of maintenance and abandonment of private mortuary cults during the Old Kingdom well understood. This paper will explore these issues, concentrating primarily on the evidence for architectural modifications to existing cult spaces, the material remains of ritual practice and the archaeological contexts in which such ritual objects have been found. The results of a study of these categories of evidence from five private mortuary cults in the Memphite area are presented in this paper. It is contested that in all cases, the cult continued to be practiced for at least ca. 50-100 years after the death of the beneficiary of the cult. In some cases, the scale of the cult was expanded, possibly due to the integration of additional mortuary cults belonging to individuals buried nearby into a collective cult. Abandonment of the ritual activity is shown not merely to have possibly been a result of the passing of time, but also to have been closely linked to the possible decline of the royal cemeteries at the end of the Old Kingdom.抄録全体を表示PDF形式でダウンロード (1524K) -
「アクスムヘの道」検証の試み蔀 造勇2006 年 49 巻 2 号 p. 133-146
発行日: 2006年
公開日: 2010/03/12
ジャーナル フリーThe route from Adulis to Aksum must have been the most important in East Africa in ancient times. Adulis was the most important town on the coast and Aksum was the center of a rather important empire, starting about the time of Christ and lasting until the eighth or ninth century.
What was the course of the route from Adulis up into the mountaneous country of what is now Ethiopia and Eritrea? The Periplus of the Erythraean Sea refers to a location named Koloe, a city ‘that is the first trading post for ivory’ and says ‘from Adulis it is a journey of three days to Koloe.’ This article seeks to identify the location of Adulis and its harbor Gabaza, and to locate the route from Adulis to Koloe. The author analyzes historical sources and archaeological data. The information obtained from his field survey is also used to explain some topographic problems.
The conclusions of this paper are as follows:
1. The equation of Adulis of the Periplus with a site situated some 1km to the northnorthwest of the modern village of Zula is acceptable.
2. Didoros Island of the Periplus of the first century was situated on the same spot as Gabaza mentioned in the 6th century sources.
3. Some 5km to the southeast of Adulis site are some hills named Gamez 100 years ago, but now known as Gala/Galata. Didoros Island is identified with one of these hills and Gabaza harbor must have been situated at the foot of it.
4. There has been major coastal change in the area. For this reason the island of Didoros approached by a causeway in the first century was situated on the shore in the sixth century and it lies now as a hill some 1km away from the shore.
5. The course of the route from Adulis to Koloe identified with modern Qohaito must has been through the Wadi Komaile rather than the Wadi Haddas.抄録全体を表示PDF形式でダウンロード (1079K) -
13世紀ビザンツにおける修道士と聖山橋川 裕之2006 年 49 巻 2 号 p. 147-164
発行日: 2006年
公開日: 2010/03/12
ジャーナル フリーThe purpose of this paper is to examine the ‘Wanderjahre’ or early life of the patriarch Athanasios I of Constantinople (patriarch 1289-93; 1303-09). Previous studies have tended to focus on his policies and conflicts with various ecclesiastical groups during his two patriarchates since there exist abundant primary sources witnessing to his political and religious activity in Constantinople, including his own epistolary corpus and two Vitae composed after his death. In order to gain a further understanding of his life and deeds, however, it is also necessary to elucidate the background of his reforming policies as Patriarch, especially the effect of his early life on them. Basic questions still remain to be answered: How did he become influential not only among disciple monks but also at the court of the emperor Andronikos II Palaiologos (1282-1328)?, Why was his accession to the patriarchal throne viewed with considerable alarm by some of the contemporary ecclesiastics?, Why did he show considerable concern for the situation of Mount Athos?. A careful comparison between Athanasios and other major monastic figures in the thirteenth century reveals he had two intriguing characteristics. One was his preoccupation with rigorous and seclusive monastic life on the so-called holy mountains. He felt ideal remoteness and quietude could be provided only on such monastic mountains. The other was his decision to live an eremitic life on Mount Athos after spending many years in communal monastic life. This reflects the high priority he placed on the environment of Athos for living as a hermit and then for living with his own disciples. There is no doubt that, even after settling in a monastery in Constantinople at the request of the emperor, Athanasios maintained his own monastic ideals, antithetical to those of the educated elite who comprised the bureaucratic apparatuses of state and church, and thus his ecclesiastical leadership made a remarkable break with the tradition.抄録全体を表示PDF形式でダウンロード (1588K) -
1301年の法令を中心に辻 明日香2006 年 49 巻 2 号 p. 165-181
発行日: 2006年
公開日: 2010/03/12
ジャーナル フリーWhat were the reasons that provoked the majority of Copts to convert to Islam in fourteenth century Mamluk Egypt? Most modern scholars conclude that non-Muslims lived under coercion during that period. However, the causes and the extent of the pressures are still questionable. This article attempts to analyze the significance of the decree issued by the Mamluks in 1301 which prompted a change of attitudes towards the dhimmis. The decree endeavored to degrade and humiliate the non-believers, thereby ensuring the support of the jurists and the Muslim populace.
Although the prescribed terms of the decree were long-established, two notable measures were introduced for the first time in Mamluk Egypt that remained effective throughout the remainder of the era. Firstly, the dhimmis were required to wear colored turbans. Secondly, the legendary Pact of 'Umar was revived as an effective treaty with the dhimmis.
Enforcement of the conditions of the decree instigated riots against the dhimmis. The fact that the campaign against the dhimmis did not wane is evident from a riot in the town of Qus in 1307 in which a sufi shaykh justified the attacks by declaring that the Copts were violating the Pact of 'Umar.
The implications of the 1301 decree made a huge impact on society. It was not the prevention from serving in the bureaucracy but rather the restrictions in every day life that motivated the Copts to convert. As all strata of Mamluk society willingly accepted the decree and made sure it was in force, this is evidence that the climate surrounding the dhimmis had definitely changed leading to mass conversion in the 1350s.抄録全体を表示PDF形式でダウンロード (1380K) -
石川 博樹2006 年 49 巻 2 号 p. 182-199
発行日: 2006年
公開日: 2010/03/12
ジャーナル フリーThe Christian kingdom of northern Ethiopia lost almost half of her territory to the Oromo during the second half of the sixteenth century. The Zenahu lä-Galla (History of the Galla) written by Bahrey in 1593 is the most important work on this “Oromo Migration.” In the same period as the Zenahu lä-Galla, the chronicle of Emperor Särsä Dengel (r. 1563-97) was also written. This chronicle is one of the “Royal Chronicles” which constitute the nucleus of the historiography in this region. In the present paper, the author considers a characteristic of the historiography of northern Ethiopia during the second half of the Solomonic Period (1540-1769), by examining why Bahrey had to defend his writing of the Zenahu lä-Galla and why the authors of the “Royal Chronicles” spent so many pages on the emperors' victories.
The conclusions are as follows.
1. Bahrey wrote the Zenahu lä-Galla to assert that the Oromo often defeated Christian armies because Oromo social institutions and customs were suited for warfare. On the other hand, the intellectuals thought that historical accounts should be composed in order to praise the deeds of “Good Christians.” There-fore Bahrey justified his writing about the history of the Oromo, who were non-christians, by citing the history of the famous Coptic historian al-Makin, which spent many pages on Muslims' history.
2. The author of the chronicle of Särsä Dengel criticized al-Makin's work and did not describe in detail the damage caused by the Oromo, because his purpose was to reveal the miracles of God which he found in Emperor's deeds, especially his military successes. The authors of the “Royal Chronicles” during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries inherited this policy.
The impact of the “Oromo Migration” produced the Zenahu lä-Galla. However, its impact was transient. Defending Christianity continued to be a characteristic of the historiography of northern Ethiopia throughout the second half of the Solomonic Period.抄録全体を表示PDF形式でダウンロード (1614K) -
片倉 鎮郎2006 年 49 巻 2 号 p. 200-203
発行日: 2006年
公開日: 2010/03/12
ジャーナル フリーPDF形式でダウンロード (305K) -
2006 年 49 巻 2 号 p. 207-250
発行日: 2006年
公開日: 2010/03/12
ジャーナル フリーPDF形式でダウンロード (3703K)
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