Pietro Della Valle, a seventeenth century traveler, noted the following mortifications performed on the ninth day of the month of Muharram in Isfahan, Iran.
Many poor people would bury themselves in the most frequented streets of the city in dirt up to the mouth, covering the rest of their head with terracotta vases. They remained in this position throughout the day. Others would go completely naked and smear themselves black from head to foot.
These customs are not Islamic, but traditional of death and resurrection performed before a new year and widely seen throughout Asia.
Almost exactly the same custom of smearing oneself with mud or ashes and belief in the Water of life are found among the Chinese, Japanese and other people.

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The battle formation of the Sumerian phalanx, which is carved in relief on the reverse of the Stele of the Vultures, is studied in this article in light of textual sources, i. e., administrative documents, almost contemporary to the Stele, and later royal hymns and lexical texts.
DP 135 (dated around 2370 B. C.) suggests that a complete Sumerian phalanx was composed of thirty-two soldiers: a commander, a sub-commander, twenty-four spearmen and six shield-bearers. According to the Stele of the Vultures (produced 50 years or more earlier than DP 135), on the other hand, Lagashite troops of thirty men in phalanx formation, being led by King Eannatum, charged on the enemy. In my view, the phalanx of the Stele is composed of the following soldiers: a sub-commander, a shield-bearer who protects the sub-commander, twenty-four spearmen standing in four lines, and four shield-bearers protecting the first four spearmen of the respective lines. Although neither a commander nor a man holding a protective shield for the commander is found in the Stele, the battle formation drawn on the Stele differs only superficially from what DP 135 suggests. King Eannatum, whom the Stele depicts as standing unguarded in front of his troops in phalanx, plays the role of commander.
I reconstruct the phalanx of the Stele as follows. The head and the two feet that are found on the far right (as one faces it) in the phalanx relief of the Stele (called Head 1-Feet 1-2 in this article) represent the sub-commander of the troops. The second soldier, with the head and feet second from the right in relief (Head 2-Feet 3-4), protects the sub-commander with his large shield. The spearman of Head 3-Feet 5-6 stands at the head of the six men in the first line, being guarded by the shield-bearer of Head 4-Feet 7-8, and so on. On the far left of the Stele, the head and feet of the spearman, who is positioned first in the fourth line, are only imperfectly carved (Head 9-Feet 17-18). Two more heads are in relief on the left side board of the Stele, with the carvings of their four feet being completely lost from the board (Head 1′-Feet 1′-2′ Head 2′-Feet 3′-4′). I conclude that the spearman of Head 9-Feet 17-18, found last on the reverse, occurs again on the right of the side board (Head 1′-Feet 1′-2′) and that he is protected by the fifth shield held by the man of Head 2′-Feet 3′-4′ on his left.
The term ama-ERIN₂ refers to shield-bearers in DP 135. In the other contemporary text (Nik 1 3), however, it occurs as a designation of the whole army (composed of both shield-bearers and spearmen). The expression ama-erin₂-na of the later periods, which is often interpreted by Assyriologists to denote “the main body of the troops” on the basis of its Akkadian translation, seems to have been derived from ama-ERIN₂ with a meaning as found in Nik 1 3. Like Eannatum of Pre-Sargonic Lagash, King Shulgi of Ur, dated to the first half of the 21st century B. C., was obligated to stand alone before his troops (called ama-erin₂-na) [Šulgi B 31; Šulgi E 209]. It is rather doubtful, however, that Shulgi's troops were in phalanx formation as had been the case of the soldiers of Eannatum.
ERIN₂-suh₅-ha, which is used as a designation for spearmen in DP 135, occurs again in a later lexical text in slightly different writing (erin₂-suh). ERIN₂-suh₅-ha is possibly interpreted to mean “selected troops (of spearmen guarded by shield-holders).”

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In her recent book, The Land of Hana (2002), A. H, Podany classified all of the Hana-tablets published so far into three periods: the early, middle, late periods. From the late period (ca. 1400-1200 BCE), except for a dedication inscription of “Ammurapi, king of the land of Hana” (LH 16), we have just two contracts of real estate transaction (LH 15 and LH 17): one (LH 15) dealing with “an orchard in the irrigation district of the city of Qatuna, ” and the other (LH 17) with a 6 acre field in an unknown district. We can discern however that the field mentioned in the latter text must be also located in the Qatuna district because a canal adjacent to it named Hubur-GAL seems to be same as the canal attested in the former text. Now a new Hana-type tablet, written in Middle Assyrian script, can be added to the two previously known: It is also a contract concerning a 1 acre field at “the gate of Qatuna.” If it is not just coincidental that all three Hana-texts are related to the Qatuna district, Qatuna must have been the place where the scribal tradition of Hana was established in the late Hana period. This might suggest that the core land of Hana people had moved north from Terqa to Qatuna in this period. This might also explain why “the land of Hana” referred to in two of the letters of the late 13th century found at Dur-Katlimu would not be located in the Terqa district, but in a north-west Habur river region.

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This paper examines stylistic changes and variants in the Assyrian annalistic texts written in the ninth century B. C. and discusses their historical-ideological background.
Toward the end of the second millennium B. C., Assyrian scribes started to compose royal inscriptions in various annalistic styles. In the beginning of the ninth century B. C., each campaign record included in the text was dated by a limmu, i. e. a year eponym, by which every year was named in Assyria from the Old Assyrian period onward. Annals in the limmu-dating style reached their most mature form with the Annals of Ashurnasirpal II.
The first four annalistic texts of his son, Shalmaneser III, were composed in a similar form, using the limmus. After that, however, the royal historiographer produced annals in a new style, with one campaign recounted each year with the heading: ina x palêya “in my xth regnal year.” This style, probably invented under the influence of the Babylonian dating system, emphasizes the king's unremitting yearly activities.
Composing annals in this style, however, encountered difficulties, when revised versions were compiled towards the end of Shalmaneser's reign. First, the deeds of the king's commander had to be inserted into the texts in order to fill the record in years in which the commander lead the army in place of the king, who could not do it in person. Thus, the royal annals deviated from the essential form of solely recounting the res gestae of the king. Secondly, the chronological ambiguity in the concept palû, which originally means “turn, ” not “a year, ” caused some defective chronological presentations in later years of the reign. These difficulties were overcome by the invention of still another type of annals in the reign of Shamshi-Adad V, in which each campaign account was headed by ina x girriya “in my xth campaign.”

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Das berühmte Relief Assurnasirpals II. im Thronsaal des Nordwest-Palastes zu Kalhu, das hinter dem Thron angebracht war, besteht aus folgenden Bestandteilen: geflügelte Sonne, darunter “Heiliger Baum, ” zwei sich gegenüber stehende Könige, hinter ihnen jeweils ein Genius. Die Interpretation sowohl der Einzelteile als auch der Gesamtdarstellung ist unter den Forschern strittig. Die geflügelte Sonne wird oft als Aššur, manchmal als Šamaš gedeutet. Kontrovers ist auch, warum der assyrische König zweimal dargestellt ist.
Unter den symbolischen Darstellungen der Götter in Assyrien gibt es genügend Belege dafür, daß die Hörnerkrone-in Babylonien Symbol des Anu und des Enlil-für Aššur, und die geflügelte Sonne für Šamaš steht. Das Symbol des Šamaš wird aber im Prinzip zusammen mit dem Symbol des Sîn (Mondsichel), manchmal auch mit den Symbolen der anderen Götter dargestellt. Den Erwähnungen des Šamaš im schriftlichen Material ist zu entnehmen, daß Šamaš im offiziellen assyrischen Pantheon keine höchstrangige Stellung zukam.
Eine Betrachtung der Siegel der hethitischen Großkönige dürfte für eine überzeugendere Deutung des fraglichen assyrischen Reliefs hilfreich sein. In der Mitte steht, in hieroglyphischen Zeichen, der Großkönigsname. Darüber schwebt eine geflügelte Sonne, die als Hieroglyphe “MAIESTAS” genannt wird und der keilschriftlichen Titulatur ^DUTU-, ŠI (“meine Sonne”) entspricht. Beiderseits des Großkönigsnamens steht das Determinativ für “Großkönig”. Die Wiederholung des Determinativs ist an sich überflüssig und einzig durch die symmetrische Anlage bedingt. Bei einem gemeinsamen Siegel des Großkönigs und der Großkönigin wird ein Determinativ für “Großkönig” durch das Determinativ für “Großkönigin” ersetzt.
Bereits seit der mittelassyrischen Zeit bestanden Beziehungen zwischen den Königshöfen von Assur und Hattusa. Zur Zeit Assurnasirpals II. erwachte erneut ein großes Interesse durch die Expansion nach Westen, besonders nach den “Hatti-Ländern”, die damals allerdings als Bezeichung der späthethitischen Städte Ostanatoliens und Nordsyriens galten.
In den Königsinschriften des Assurnasirpal II. ist Šamaš mit der Inthronisation dieses Königs in Verbindung gebracht: “Zu Beginn meines Königtums, am Anfang meiner Regierung, in dem Šamaš, der Richter der vier Weltgegenden, seinen wohltuenden Schirm über mich ausbreitete, in dem ich glorreich mich auf den Königsthron setzte, und er (=Šamaš) das Szepter zum beständigen Weiden der Menschen in meine Hand legte, ….”
Die Hervorhebung des Šamaš in diesem Zusammenhang geht wohl auf den Einfluß der hethitischen Königsideologie zurück. Diese Ausdrücke finden ihren bildlichen Niederschlag in dem oben erwähnten Relief im Thronsaal. Die geflügelte Sonne steht dort für Šamaš als den Schutzgott der Inthronisation und des Königstums. Dies gilt auch für die geflügelte Sonne, die alleinstehend als Objekt der verschiedenen Beter in der Glyptik dargesteilt ist.

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Maslaha has received considerable attention from scholars as a crucial principle which guarantees the developing tendency of Islamic society since the early 20th century. This paper attempts to show its importance in the lslamic legal theory which has been evolved to expand and adapt the established authoritative doctrines in the changing circumstances. Qarafi (d. 684/1285), who is famous for his theory of qawa'id (legal precepts), evolved the concept of maslaha which had been defined as ‘the preservation of the purpose of law (God's legislation)’ by Ghazali to the source of a valid and concrete methodology for creative law findings in his theory of qawa'id. He could legitimate goal-oriented and substantive interpretations by applying considerations of maslaha not only as a criterion to identify a 'illa's suitability but as an indispensable stipulation for some legal principles such as rukhsa (legal license) and sadd al-dhara'i‘(blocking means). Maslaha functions to legitimate his legal theory as a whole which purposes to give mujtahids’ legal methodology to muqallids so as to be depended in their law findings. The origin of maslaha is God, i. e. the prime authority in Islam; thus Qarafi could make use of this concept as the origin of all law findings in structuring his legal theory. Maslaha is the key concept to understand the legal theory and practice in the post-formative period of Islamic jurisprudence.

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Badr al-din Mahmud al-'Ayni, a celebrated 'alim of the Circassian Mamluk Period, is also known as the author of the huge world chronicle, 'Iqd al juman. In spite of its importance as a source for the Bahri Mamluk Period, 'Iqd remains unpublished except for very small parts; neither has the relationship among the various manuscripts been studied.
To grasp the whole structure of 'Iqd, I investigated a number of manuscripts, including 16 autographs, and identfied the following series:
1. Series of 19 volumes (autographs and al-Ikhmimi's set)
2. Series of (presumably) 38 half-volumes (al-Azhari's set etc.)
3. Series of four large volumes, which is composed of fragments from the above two series (Ottoman set)
It also became clear that several manuscripts of unknown origin were wrongly labeled as 'Iqd, like Ahmad al-'Ayni's set, and that a few fragments of Ta'rikh al-badr, another of al-'Ayni's chronicles, were mingled with 'Iqd in the Ottoman set.
Next, as a sample, I took the descriptions of the year 728AH from eight manuscripts, including not only 'Iqd MSs, but also Badr MSs, and compared them. Consequently, I was able to identify four groups of al-'Ayni's writings as follows:
1. The complete version of 'Iqd (MS Ahmet 2911/a17, Süleymaniye 835, Besir Aga 457)
2. The extract version of 'Iqd (MS Ahmet 2911/a18)
3. The complete version of Badr (MS Süleymaniye 830, BL Add. 22360)
4. The extract version of Badr (MS Carullah 1591, Selim Aga 837)
Thus, when we investigate the period from 725 to 745AH, i. e. Vol. 17 of the 19-volume series, we should refer to the complete version of 'Iqd, and also to the complete version of Badr, which contains information beyond that in 'Iqd.

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Although recent studies of metropolitan popular movements in the Mamluk Kingdom have clarified the actual conditions of such protests, we still know little about popular movements and the political culture in medieval Egyptian provincial towns. This paper focuses on the uprising of 1450 in al-Mahalla al-Kubra, provincial capital of al-Gharbiyya, and examines the economic background, changing stages of the revolt, leadership by religious elites, and countermeasures taken by the Mamluk Sultan Jaqmaq.
According to Tibr al-masbuk written by al-Sakhawi, this uprising was caused by the people's indignation about the tyranny of Ahmad (brother of the well-known ustadar [major-domo] Ibn al-Ashqar) and his unfair interference with the food supply. The crowd attacked Ahmad and killed him in the mosque. Al-Sakhawi portrays al-Mahalli, whose principle was “commanding right and forbidding wrong, ” as a leader of this movement. This passionate preacher was related by marriage to the charismatic popular saint of the city, al-Ghamri, whose Sufi order al-Ghamriyya appeared to be opposed to the regime of Jaqmaq. Suppressed by Ibn al-Ashqar, the rebels were jailed in Cairo. Many Cairenes feeling sympathy for them began immediately to throw stones and call down divine vengeance upon him. It was noteworthy that all the rebels were liberated through an intercession to the sultan made by al-Turayni, another saint living in al-Mahalla al-Kubra. This act illustrates the political function of the private relationship between ruler and Muslim saint, as well as the importance of local living saints in the structure of cultural hegemony in the kingdom. In conclusion, this furious uprising was in sharp contrast with contemporary Cairene popular movements triggered by high prices and characterized by dialogue between the ruler and the ruled.

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W. Mayer recently published 96 Ekalte texts dating to the period before the Hittite dominion of the land of Aštata/Emar. Since they include seven texts which were not uncovered on site in the German excavations, the present writer first investigates whether these texts are indeed Ekalte texts, mainly through a comparison of witnesses mentioned in them with those in known Ekalte texts. It is concluded that all seven are Ekalte.
Next, the present writer proposes that two more texts are Ekalte texts: ASJ 16-T and ASJ 13-T 30. The evidence that the former is Ekalte is clear. Although the latter shares only two individuals with the Ekalte texts, it seems likely that is Ekalte in view of the fact that the eponymous year, MU ša^{! m}x x, in 1.42b is of Ekalte, not Emar type (e. g., the usage of^m).
All of the year dates attested in the Ekalte texts are of eponymous type (Ekalte 28:16; 48:37; 80:32 (!), 93:30f.; ASJ 13-T 30:42b). Although Mayer assumes another occurrence in Ekalte 79:6′, the present writer suggests the reading: (6′) [a+na Pa-ni ^mx x (x)] DUMU ^dIM-GAL (7′) [LUGAL? URU. e-kal]-te. KI tup pu ša-te₄-er “[in the presence of PN] son of ^dIM-GAL, [king (?) of Ekal]te, (this) tablet has been written.” If this is correct, Ekalte must have been a city-state (kingdom).
Although Mayer regards the “kings” mentioned in the Ekalte texts as the kings of Emar, the overlords of Ekalte, the “king” (Ekalte 7:22) and the “palace” (62:15) seem to be Ekalte in view of the parallel phraseology in the Emar texts. Furthermore, the ritual text Emar VI 369 shows that Šatappi, a town in the vicinity of Emar, had a king of its own, at the same time a king of the land of Emar existed (11. 17, 55f., 58). This would lead us to suppose that before the Hittite conquest the land of Emar/Aštata was a confederation of city-states, such as Šatappi and Ekalte, under the rule of Emar.

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In the history of the Persian art of insha' (the epistolary art for the official and private correspondence), the Mongol period (from the 13th century to the later 14th century) has been regarded as an age of stylistic regression between the Saljugid and the Timurid periods. This report, through the analysis of some Persian insha' manuals written in the Mongol period, throws light on the continuity and development of the Persian insha' tradition under the Mongol rule, and how it coexisted with the Mongol chancellery system.
In the insha' manuals of the Mongol period, it is observed that the way of Persian letter-writing had become more complicated since the Saljugid period. The structure of ideal letters explained in some manuals in the 14th century was more fractionalized than that in those of the 13th century and very similar to the style in the Timurid period. Even some forms that had been considered incorrect became predominant during the period in order to show extreme respect to distinguished addressees.
Even under the rule of the Mongol chancellery, the writers of insha' manuals kept the traditional forms of drafting official documents, concentrating on genres of documents which needed the literary skill of insha', like deeds of appointment to religious ranks. At the same time, for many literates, writing of insha' manuals was regarded as a suitable way to display their literary skill and to win their patrons' favor.
On the other hand, the insha' writers understood some concepts of the Mongol chancellery in the context of their own insha' tradition and accepted a portion of them positively. For example, the practice of Mongol edicts of writing words with holy or royal referents jutting into the upper margin was very agreeable for them because of its similarity to the convention of Persian letter writing that the name of honorable persons must be written in the upper part of letters. They adapted it by writing honarable words jutting into the right margin.
We can conclude that under the Mongol rule the Persian insha' tradition continued developing and prepared for the flowering of the art in the Timurid period.

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