オリエント

ミネト・エル・ベイダ出土新資料の考古学的検討 -埋葬遺構の年代考察を中心に-

長谷川敦章

2007 年 50 巻 2 号 p. 1-27
発行日: 2007年
公開日: 2010/03/12

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.50.2_1

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This paper studies a tomb found at Minet el-Beida in 1997. Fortunately, it seems that the tomb was not looted, and many grave goods were intact. These were the first materials recovered from Minet el-Beida since Schaeffer stopped the excavations in 1932, six decades before and have significant value for the archaeological study of the Late Bronze Age in the East Mediterranean world. This study aims to consider how long the tomb was in use by studying the structure of the tomb and the finds in it such as Mycenaean and Cypriote pottery.
The tomb was built entirely of ashlars. It has one chamber of rectangular shape and is equipped with ashlar steps and a dromos, a short passage connecting the chamber to the outside. This type of tomb is commonly seen at Ras shamra, Minet el-Beida and Ras ibn Hani, and seems to date from the Late Bronze Age II, that is the 14^th to 13^th centuries B. C.
Twenty-eight pieces of Mycenaean pottery and twenty-nine pieces of Cypriote pottery were recovered from the tomb. The Mycenaean pottery includes stirrup jars, alabastra and piriform jars. The chronological analysis in this paper suggests that most of the Mycenaean pottery dates back to the Late Helladic IIIB, several to the Late Helladic IIIA2, and one to the Late Helladic IIIB to IIIC1. The Cypriote pottery consists of white shaved ware and white slip II ware, which are also called milk bowls. The former are dated to the Late Cypriote IB to IIB and the latter to the Late Cypriote IIC1.
In conclusion, it seems that the tomb started being used in the Late Helladic IIIA2 and was abandoned in the Late Helladic IIIB, that is, that it was used for about 165 years, between 1350 B. C. and 1185 B. C.

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イラン北部における青銅器時代から初期鉄器時代への移行

ノールズ・マハレ遺跡下層出土土器を中心に

有松唯

2007 年 50 巻 2 号 p. 28-54
発行日: 2007年
公開日: 2010/03/12

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.50.2_28

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Materials excavated from the deep layer of Noruz Mahale are from the Bronze Age. Arimatsu No other Bronze Age materials have been excavated on the Southwest Caspian coast. Moreover, it is important that among them is pottery similar to the LBGW (Late Bronze Age Gray Ware) from Gorgan on the southeast Caspian coast. This is farther west they have been excavated. It means the LBGW culture flowed into this region as early as the Bronze Age and that LBGW or LBGW-like pottery extended to a far wider area than was thought before.
Generally, it is said that LBGW is the ancestor of the Early Iron Age pottery in the northern part of Iran. However, there is no direct relationship between the characteristics of pottery from Noruz Mahale and those of pottery of the Early Iron Age in this region. On the other hand the funerary practices and bronze materials of the Early Iron Age in this region use many elements which owe their origin to the Caucasus. So, it is probably best if we accept that in the change from the Bronze Age to the Iron Age in Iran there were influences from various areas and assume that there were diverse aspects of this change in each region.

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古代エジプト新王国時代における『生命の水』の図像表現とその機能

杉亜希子

2007 年 50 巻 2 号 p. 55-89
発行日: 2007年
公開日: 2010/03/12

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.50.2_55

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Water was an essential life-giving element to the Ancient Egyptians, and this soon led them to associate the symbol of life, _??_, with water. An _??_-symbol in relation to water was iconographically exploited since it encompasses the concept of ‘gives life’ to a receiver: the pharaoh and/or the deceased, in particular, as an assurance of his/her present and perpetual life.
In this article, the iconographic motifs of an _??_-symbol in relation to water in the New Kingdom will be categorized into three types: in the form of chained _??_-symbols; the ritual vessel in the shape of an _??_-symbol (so-called _??_-vessel); the personified _??_ holding a water basin (s) or a ritual vessel. Then the context which contains the _??_-motif related to water will be considered predominantly in respect of two fundamental mythological conceptions: solar revivification and Osirian resurrection. The _??_-symbol is represented in the context of solar creation, especially the bathing of the sun-god at sunrise and his movement through the heavens. Furthermore, in the Osirian context, the strong association of an _??_-symbol becomes obvious with the liquids flowing from (efflux) and into (influx) the body of Osiris, in the manifestation of whm-_??_ ‘that which repeats life/renewal of life’ in particular. This binary cosmic scheme of mythological concepts is interwoven into the transformation process from death to life, and that from present to mythic/cosmic reality.
This study will demonstrate an iconographic mechanism within which _??_-motifs associated with the life-giving water were carefully and appropriately chosen in each case depending on the context as a device to create the magical reality of dj _??_ ‘giving life, ’ the substantial and repeatedly stressed formulaic message throughout the Phraohnic periods.

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ガンダーラ「仏伝図」再考

所謂シクリ・ストゥーパを主対象に

藤原達也

2007 年 50 巻 2 号 p. 90-119
発行日: 2007年
公開日: 2010/03/12

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.50.2_90

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In Buddhist art there is a genre called “Narrative Images of the Buddha's Life” (Butsu-den-zu in Japanese). This genre has several characteristics: the selection of crucial episodes of his life (the Great Departure, Enlightenment, First Sermon, Death, etc.) from literary sources (chiefly the Vinayas, or the Buddhist disciplinary canons) and the depiction of them in chronological order.
Despite a long and general acceptance of the existence of this genre in Gandharan art, an example remains to be attested. The 13 reliefs, each depicting a scene from the Buddha's life, which encircle the drum of the so-called Sikri Stupa have been cited as an exemplar of Gandharan Butsu-den-zu. However, none of the crucial episodes is included among the 13 scenes, and the in situ sequence the excavator found them is far from being the chronological order. That the stupa —actually an altar rather than a stupa— was found housed in a shrine supplies the basis for my interpretation. According to G. Schopen, the conduct of a Gandharan monastery was an interdependent relationship between lay donors, monks and a monastic order, centering around a relic shrine which had been taken as the Buddha himself to whom a Vinaya had given, in Schopen's words, a juristic personality.
When we consider the 13 scenes as a composite of three arcs of the circular sequence, we realize that each arc has its own theme: the importance of donations to the Buddha and the celebration of donors, the figures of Sakyamuni before he attained the Buddhahood as the prototype of the bodhisattvas or monks to come, and the instructions of the Law and the monastic order as the only place the Law can be found. These are exactly the three elements of the relationship mentioned above.
Just as Sikri is not exceptional among Gandharan monasteries, neither is Gandhara exceptional in ancient India. Therefore, we are not likely to find Butsu-den-zu from around the time of Gandharan art at other early Indian sites either.

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中国新出ソグド人葬具に見られる鳥翼冠と三面三日月冠

エフタルの中央アジア支配の影響

影山悦子

2007 年 50 巻 2 号 p. 120-140
発行日: 2007年
公開日: 2010/03/12

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.50.2_120

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Recently, the influence of the Hephthalite occupation of the Central Asia from the second half of the fifth century to the first half of the sixth century has been demonstrated through the examination of archaeological, philological and iconographical material from this region. J. Ya. Il'yasov's examination of iconographical material sees a political and cultural unification of Central Asia by the Hephthalites as being behind the diffusion in the region of identical costumes, such as the winged crown and the triple-crescent crown. His observations are significant because he refuses to regard it as the direct influence of the Sasanian empire to the east.
The figures on reliefs on the Sogdian couches and sarcophagi from China provide us with a source for research about the Hephthalites, as they represent Sogdians who were active in the period when the Hephthalites occupied Central Asia. In fact, we find both Hephthalite and Sogdian figures with the winged crown or the triple-crescent crown. Using new evidence provided by these funerary monuments, I attempt to advance Il'yasov's research and posit that the Sogdians in China of the sixth century also had close contact with the Hephthalites and were influenced by them. I also discuss the diffusion of the two types of crown in Chinese Buddhist art of about the sixth century.

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マスラハ理論展開史におけるガザーリーの功績再考

『マンフール』『シファーウ』『ムスタスファー』の比較より

飯山陽

2007 年 50 巻 2 号 p. 141-160
発行日: 2007年
公開日: 2010/03/12

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.50.2_141

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It is usually said that maslaha as a legal concept was first defined in a tangible manner by al-Ghazali (d. 1111) and that he made a breakthrough innovation in the evolutional history of maslaha theory. But in my previous article (Oriento 47: 2 [2005]), I analyzed the maslaha theory of his master al-Juwayni (d. 1085) and clearly demonstrated that (al-Juwayni's) theory was innovative by comparison with former theories. The current article investigates three books of legal theory written by al-Ghazali, namely Mankhul, Shifa' and Mustasfa, to reconsider whether his achievement was this accepted notion. The findings show that most of the terms and the logic used in his maslaha theory had been already used by al-Juwayni. However, al-Ghazali arranged his master's maslaha theory in an easily comprehensible and methodical fashion. His master's theory, in contrast, was complicated and used many terms inconsistently, and what is more, he criticized harshly the interpretation and application of maslaha by the Maliki school. This is why later scholars, especially Maliki scholars, quote al-Ghazali's maslaha theory exclusively. Thus, the achievement of al-Ghazali in the history of maslaha theory should be sought in his arrangement of his master's theory, because without that, it is hard to understand how later scholars could have evolved maslaha theory and applied the con-cept in legal practice.

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ジッダの都市構造と歴史的変容 -ブルジー・マムルーク朝期を中心に-

太田啓子

2007 年 50 巻 2 号 p. 161-180
発行日: 2007年
公開日: 2010/03/12

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.50.2_161

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Jidda first appeared on the historical stage as the port city of Mecca. Former studies have not discussed the urban structure of Jidda or the historical changes in its character. This article examines how the international situation around Hijaz influenced Jidda and its ruler, the Meccan Sharifate, using primarily the local chronicles of Mecca, Meccan biographical dictionaries, and Meccan pilgrimage records.
The natural conditions of Jidda were not suitable for a seaport; besides, early on its public facilities were insufficient. Nonetheless, during the pilgrimage season a flow of people and goods concentrated in Jidda because of its geographical advantage of being 72 kilometers from Mecca.
In the middle of the 8/14th century, Jidda and Yanbu' rose as relay ports, and the west coast of the Arabian Peninsula became a main international trade route. The Meccan Sharifate became interested in Jidda as a sourse of revenue through customs duties. They built harbor facilities and collected customs duties. The Mamluk Sultan Barsbay, who was confronted with the economic decline of the Mamluk dynasty, sought to the increase of the amount of the customs duties collected in Jidda and actively invited ships engaged in the Indian trade. He dispatched a port controller to Jidda and collected the customs duties directly. Therefore the rise of Jidda as a relay port on the international trade route changed the policy of the Mamluk dynasty toward Hijaz; until then the Mamluk dynasty had ruled Hijaz indirectly through the Meccan Sharifate. In consequence, the character of Jidda changed from being the port city of Mecca into being a commercial port of the Mamluk dynasty, and the Meccan Sharifate became subordinate to the Mamluk dynasty in politics and economy because it had lost its source of revenue and economic independence.

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石製およびガラス製容器を模倣した彩文土器から見た第18王朝後半のディール・アル=マディーナの絵師

高橋寿光

2007 年 50 巻 2 号 p. 181-203
発行日: 2007年
公開日: 2010/03/12

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.50.2_181

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It is well known that people in Deir el-Medina engaged in the construction and decoration of royal tombs in the Valley of the Kings. Thousands of hieratic texts from the site revealed the social history, economy, and organization from the Nineteenth to Twentieth Dynasties. However, Deir el-Medina in the Eighteenth Dynasty has not yet been well studied due to the dearth of the inscriptions. This paper aims to examine the painted pottery imitating stone or glass vessels in order to discuss artisans' painting techniques at Deir el-Medina in the late Eighteenth Dynasty.
The painted pottery imitating stone or glass vessels is characteristic of Theban funerary assemblages in the late Eighteenth Dynasty. Vessels from Theban tombs (excluding Deir el-Medina) are supposedly decorated by artisans who painted Theban tomb walls—given the close connections between the stone or glass vessels represented in tomb paintings and the decorative style on the actual painted pottery. On the other hand, the examples from Deir el-Medina were decorated by artisans within Deir el-Medina itself because the decorative motifs are very unique and do not occur at other contemporary sites in the Theban necropolis. Therefore, comparative studies shed new light on the artisan's painting techniques at Deir el-Medina.
As a result, it was possible to discern difference in the motifs, painting techniques and productive skills between the two areas. The quality of the painted pottery imitating stone or glass vessels from Deir el-Medina is inferior to those from the Theban tombs. Only simple decoration such as dots or lines is executed; Deir el Medina painted pottery also does not exhibit a white slip background or varnish coating.
To conclude, it is deduced that the artisans in Deir el-Medina did not have the same highly developed painting techniques compared to the artisans who decorated the Theban tombs.

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初期セルジューク朝による支配の正当性の主張

イブン・ハッスール著『トルコ人の優越』の分析

原山隆広

2007 年 50 巻 2 号 p. 204-221
発行日: 2007年
公開日: 2010/03/12

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.50.2_204

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The Tafdil al-Atrak is a propaganda work by Ibn Hassul (d. 450/1058). This author served the first Saljugid ruler Tughril-Bek as secretary. During the time the Saljugids were advancing into Iraq (especially Baghdad), he wrote and dedicated this work to Tughril-Bek and his prime minister (wazir) al-Kunduri. That means the Tafdil al-Atrak is a product of the very period of this political upheaval, that is, the change of dynasty from the Buwayhids to the Saljugids. Thus it is a very precious contemporary source, from which we can gather interesting information about how the early Saljugids (Tughril-Bek's government) legitimized their rule, and how they regarded their opponents, the Buwayhids.
The Tafdil al-Atrak comprises the following parts: 1) a refutation of the Kitab al-Taji, a Buwayhid history written by Abu Ishaq al-Sabi'; 2) a section on Persian myth and pre-Islamic history; 3) a section extolling the virtue of the Turks; and 4) a part praising Tughril-Bek and al-Kunduri. Throughout this work, Ibn Hassul presents Tughril-Bek as the ideal ruler, emphasizing his generosity, charitableness and justice, always contrasting him with 'Adud al-Dawla, the strongest Buwayhid ruler. But, the Buwayhids are not criticized for their religious attitude (i. e. Shi'a). In addition, the 'Abbasid caliphs are not described as the source of political legitimacy. Moreover, there do not appear signs of the themes often found in later sources, such as the Saljuqids' insistence on the caliphs' bestowing the robes of honor (khil'a), appointment decrees (taqlid/'ahd), and honorific titles (laqab); declaration of their obedience and loyalty to the caliphs; and their pursuance of religious obligations such as pilgrimage to Mecca (hajj) and holy war against heretics and infidels (jihad). It is a commonly accepted thesis that the Saljugid rule represented a “Sunni revival.” However, these facts are not in accordance with this thesis. The Tafdil al-Atrak is an important argument against this thesis written by the Saljuqids themselves.

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アブドゥッラー・アンサーリー『スーフィー列伝』の特異語彙について

矢島洋一

2007 年 50 巻 2 号 p. 222-235
発行日: 2007年
公開日: 2010/03/12

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.50.2_222

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This paper proposes vocalizations and etymologies for two uncommon Persian words in 'Abd Allah Ansari's Tabaqat al-sufiya: bglwy ‘dirty’ and wgstn ‘to reveal’. The former is to be vocalized as ba-calwi, derived from *ba-carbi ‘with grease’ on the basis of the parallel Arabic adjective wadir ‘dirty with grease’ found in other early Sufi literature. The latter word traditionally vocalized wagastan, is to be vocalized wigustan (present stem wigund-) on the basis of the vocalization marks given in a manuscript of Tabagat al-sufiya, which are partly supported by an etymological analysis based on its Middle Iranian cognates.

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信仰者と不信仰者

マートゥリーディー学派における人類の二分化の理解

近藤洋平

2007 年 50 巻 2 号 p. 236-251
発行日: 2007年
公開日: 2010/03/12

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.50.2_236

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Islam asserts that all human beings are created by God and are dichotomized into believers, who are permitted to dwell in Paradise in the afterworld, and unbelievers, who will fall into the Fire. In order to make clear how the origin of this dichotomization is understood, the present paper reviews explanations by Maturidite theologians such as Abu al-Yusr al-Pazdawi (d. 1099), Abu al-Mu'in al-Nasafi (d. 1114) and al-Saffar al-Bukhari (d. 1139), focusing on the three stages of human existence: pre-existence, infancy and rational adulthood.
(1) For the stage of pre-existence, there are two explanations. Some argue that dichotomization occurs at this stage, on the basis of whether a person acknowledges the Lordship of God willingly or unwillingly. Others suggest that all human beings are born under the Lordship agreement, although it is assumed to be incomplete or involuntary.
(2) Infants, who are without any sin against God, are subject to obedience to God according to the covenant in pre-existence and are regarded as “provisional believers” who are able to enter into Paradise.
(3) It is incumbent on rational adults to recognize the presence of God through their own reasoning and meditation, no matter when and where they live. Based on this premise, the Maturidites assert that human beings may fall into being unbelievers when they fail to meditate on themselves and created beings and choose unbelief. In summary, the dichotomization in Maturidite thought originates from the covenant of the pre-existence, and is further clarified by decision making at the rational adult stage.

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13世紀後半におけるジュチ・ウルスとマムルーク朝の外交関係

使節派遣の目的について

岡本和也

2007 年 50 巻 2 号 p. 252-274
発行日: 2007年
公開日: 2010/03/12

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.50.2_252

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The Jochid Ulus (the Golden Horde) and the Mamluks were dispatching envoys to each other in the Black Sea-Eastern Mediterranean region in the late 13th century. Diplomatic relations between the Jochid Ulus and the Mamluks have been well studied by modern scholars, but in these previous studies, it was often stated that the relationship between them originated in their mutual understanding that they shared a common enemy in the Ilkhanids. However, considering the importance of the Byzantine Empire through which the envoys had to pass, it is impossible to dispense with a discussion on the role of the Byzantine Empire in this relationship.
This article aims at a reexamination of the dispatch of envoys between the Jochid Ulus and the Mamluks by analyzing the Mamluk chronicles. In addition, in order to understand the purpose of the envoys between the Jochid Ulus and the Mamluks the Mamluk-Byzantine envoys will also be examined.
My conclusions are that the Jochid Ulus and the Mamluks were sending envoys not just because of mutual hostility towards the Ilkhanids, but also for trading mamluks between their two countries. In other words, these envoys had commercial purposes, such as trading mamluks, as well as political ones, such as cooperating against the Ilkhanids. For these two countries, dispatching envoys was important policy affecting the basis of their existence.

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古代オリエント言語研究の動向

第53回国際アッシリア学会報告

池田潤, 森若葉

2007 年 50 巻 2 号 p. 275-285
発行日: 2007年
公開日: 2010/03/12

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.50.2_275

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ウンマの支配者ウルギギルとクリ

前田徹

2007 年 50 巻 2 号 p. 286-289
発行日: 2007年
公開日: 2010/03/12

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.50.2_286

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中近東文化センター附属博物館の古代ペルシアの青銅製鈴

小板橋又久

2007 年 50 巻 2 号 p. 290-298
発行日: 2007年
公開日: 2010/03/12

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.50.2_290

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スペイン王立歴史アカデミー付属図書館所蔵イエズス会北部エチオピア布教関係文書

石川博樹

2007 年 50 巻 2 号 p. 299-302
発行日: 2007年
公開日: 2010/03/12

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.50.2_299

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第三回ペルシア語世界研究学会大会参加報告

前田君江, 前田弘毅

2007 年 50 巻 2 号 p. 303-306
発行日: 2007年
公開日: 2010/03/12

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.50.2_303

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鎌田繁編『東洋文化87: 特集イスラーム思想の諸相』東京大学東洋文化研究所 (販売: 編集室なるにあ), 2007年, 231頁, 定価4500円+税

塩尻和子

2007 年 50 巻 2 号 p. 307-313
発行日: 2007年
公開日: 2010/03/12

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.50.2_307

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谷正人著『イラン音楽: 声の文化と即興』青土社, 2007年, 252+xiv頁, CD付, 定価2600円+税

山本久美子

2007 年 50 巻 2 号 p. 314-320
発行日: 2007年
公開日: 2010/03/12

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.50.2_314

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第49回大会

2007 年 50 巻 2 号 p. 324-366
発行日: 2007年
公開日: 2010/03/12

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5356/jorient.50.2_324

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