This paper discusses the Đông Á Đông Minh Hội, or the “League of East Asia,” an organization which, in his memoirs, Phan Bội Châu claims to have joined in the fall of 1908. Information from Japanese and Chinese sources, however, indicates that the League could not have been established in the second half of 1908, because at that time four of the most important participants listed by P.B. Châu in his memoirs had either left Japan or were in prison. Various Japanese, Chinese and Vietnamese sources further indicate that this League was identical with the Ashū Washinkai, the “Asian Friendship Association.” According to Japanese sources, the Association was established in the fall of 1907, a year carlier than P.B. Châu claims.
 Students of Vietnamese nationalism, relying exclusively on P. B. Châu's memoirs, have concluded that the League was set up when the Japanese authorities, under pressure through French diplomatic channels, started suppressing the Vietnamese movement in Japan, causing P.B. Châu to become disillusioned with Japan. Since the League was established well before Japanese policy turned against the Vietnamese, however, other reasons should be sought for P.B. Châu's decision to join the League. The year 1907 saw a crucial change in official Japanese policy toward her Asian neighbours and the Western colonial powers, which drew criticism from emigrés of the other Asian nations who resided in Japan. Through a series of treaties with the Western powers, the Japanese government publicly demonstrated its willingness to cooperate with the colonialists at the expense of the Asian peoples. A few years earlier, after the Russo-Japanese War, many Asian nationalists tended to regard Japan as the champion of the yellow race against the white colonialists. Yet in 1907 the Chinese revolutionaries and Indian activists in Japan, as well as the Japanese socialists. increasingly expressed the idea that Japan was not a friend of Asia but a “common enemy” who belonged to the white imperialists' camp. By the summer of 1907,the Chinese, Indian and Japanese activists were in close contact with each other and with Korean, Phillipino and Vietnamese emigrés.
 P.B. Châu was shocked by Japan's signing of a treaty with the French in June 1907 and abandoned his idea of “relying on Japan.” Instead he joined the revolutionaries from other Asian nations and the Japanese socialists in placing their hopes on cooperation between peoples with the “same sickness.” By 1907 the term “same sickness” (động bệnh in Vietnamese, t'ung ping in Chinese) had become a key word in Chinese arguments for the need for solidarity among the oppressed Asian peoples. Furthermore, in his memoirs and in his letter to Foreign Minister Komura in 1909, P.B. Châu used the opposing terms “universal principle” (công lý in Vietnamese, kung li in Chinese) and “strong force” (cuòng quyên in Vietnamese, ch'iang ch'üang in Chinese) that the Chinese revolutionaries, especially the anarchists, also used: “universal principle” stood for the righteousness of oppressed peoples, and “strong force” for their suppression by imperialists.
 It is logical to argue that a few years after P.B. Châu came to Japan to seek Japanese assistance, he finally abandoned his reliance on Japan and turned to the building of cooperation among the nationalists of suffering Asia. In seeking Japanese assistance, he had stressed common cultural background, ethnicity, and geographical proximity between Vietnam and Japan, expressed in the phrase “the same culture, the same race, and the same continent.” His shift in emphasis to the “same sickness” demonstrates a shift

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This paper, part of a larger social anthropological study of the Sa'dan Toraja people of South Sulawesi, Indonesia, deals with agricultural life on the basis of observations made from September 1976 to January 1978. The dominant mode of their agricultural system varies from wet-rice cultivation to dry-field and swidden cultivation, depending on the ecological conditions of the particular region. Here I present an ethnographic account of a village where wet-rice cultivation dominates, focusing on a particular field : Uma Minanga. Each wet-rice field (uma) in the Sa'dan Toraja has its own name, and the field in question is called Minanga (“Mouth of a River”) after its geographical location.
 First, I describe the social relations centering on this one field in the setting of a hierarchical village society, with special reference to the relationship between the wealthy landowner, a member of the nobility, and the poor tenant cultivators of lower class. I then trace how this field was cultivated and managed in the agricultural year 1976–77, and consider its ecological, economic, and ritual implications. Finally, I evaluate the social changes of the 1970s. This approach reveals how the Sa'dan Toraja behave and think in relation to their rice field.

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The main aim of this paper is to describe the agricultural cycle and related ritual activities among the Endenese in central Flores, eastern Indonesia.
 In the first three sections, the semantic field which surrounds agricultural activities is discussed. Section One deals with the typology of dry fields in relation to the wider framework of the topography of Ende. Section Two deals with the typology of crops and foods, with emphasis on the special significance attached to maize and paddy. In section Three, the annual climatic cycle is described both emically and in terms of an etic model. Section Four is devoted to a brief description of the agricultural cycle.
 Section Five presents a structural and functional analysis of Ka: Uwi, one of the rituals of the agricultural cycle. Sociologically, the ritual expresses the consciousness of people who belong together and constitute a distinct group, a ritual domain (tana). Cosmologically, the ritual, which marks the boundary between two agricultural cycles, emphasizes liminality at various levels of classification (discussed in the preceeding sections).
 Finally, the problem of the structural transformation of corresponding rituals among a number of ritual domains is raised, as a subject for further analysis.

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The coastal areas of the Southeast Asian tropics are vegetated extensively by mangrove forest. Inland there are areas which were formerly under mangrove, before they were cut off from the marine or brackish environments. These areas together represent an important fraction of the potentially cultivable land for food production in the near future. This paper looks at the soils derived from the sediments deposited under mangrove, to evaluate their potential for cultivation.
 Mangrove mud contains oxidizable sulfur compounds, mainly in the form of pyrite, which upon exposure to the air is oxidized to sulfuric acid, developing a strong acidity. The resultant soil is called acid sulfate soil. This paper deals first with the processes of pyrite accumulation under mangrove and its oxidation upon reclamation. It then discusses the classification, properties and management of acid sulfate soils on the basis of recent research results.
 It is concluded that the former mangrove land is probably reclaimable only with difficulty and a high investment. It may, however, be possible to improve soil conditions to some extent by simple means practicable by the small farmer, such as localized phosphate application.

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The present paper reports the results of several experimental studies on the evapotranspiration of rice for the Spring and October crops carried out during a five-year period (1972–1976) in the Red River Delta of Viet Nam. It was found that the evapotranspiration of rice depends highly upon the growth stages, the amount of fertilizer applied and climatological conditions. However, a linear relationship between rice evapotranspiration and each of the factors : pan evaporation, sunshine duration and atmospheric temperature was significant only for the Spring crop.

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