The aim of this paper is to provide a new perspective on the Malay family through examining the pattern of grandparental coresidence with grandchildren. The characteristic of the Malay family is observed in its nature as a family circle or network comprising various dyadic relationships. The household usually consists of a part of such a family circle centering on a conjugal couple. This does not mean, however, that the household composition is based on the ideal of nuclear family, as the nuclear family is not ideologized among the Malays. Rather, we would argue, the substitutability of parental roles makes easy the frequent occurrence of pro-parental household, especially of those households comprising a grandmother and her unmarried grandchildren. The grandparent-grandchildren relationship, furthermore is strengthened by the other factors such as a demographic condition concerning with marriage and birth, the high rate of divorce, or emigrant labor.

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 This article is to analize the unique pattern of political leadership which came into being in Thailand in October 1958 and was reproduced in an identical pattern in November 1971. In both cases, Thailand was ruled with series of prakaat or edicts proclaimed by the Revolutionary Party (khana-pathiwat), while constitutions and all other democratic devices were abolished.
 The rule by Revolutionary Party Edicts, which carries the impression of an atavistic return to the pattern of rule in the period of absolute monarchy, reflects, and is the product of, the unique political climate which prevailed in Thailand after 1957 with Sarit’s emergence. He was responsible for introduction of a style of rule based on paternalism, arbitrariness and elimination of the heterodox, and, to this effect, he needed revival of the traditional pattern of rule by arbitrary legal proclamations. Thanɔɔm followed in the Sarit’s path and proclaimed 364 edicts, while his predecessor produced 57. The legal validity of those Edicts is very problematic. In practice, however, they are considered as having the same legitimacy as ordinary acts (phraraatchabanyat).
  In this article, the author tries to present different aspects of political as well as legal functions of the Revolutionary Party Edicts. By doing so, he hopes to clarify some characteristics of the political process which finally led to the fall of the Thanɔɔm’s regime in 1973.

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 Qualities of leadership of two Indonesian presidents, Sukarno and Suharto, often are contrasted in such traits as personality, professional background, and national policy. As a pro-Communist revolutionary, Sukarno's charisma is hardly similar to that of his successor, an anti-Communist, development-conscious "Smiling General." Yet there are at least as many similarities in, as differences between their respective styles of governing. Both have been intensely concerned about the political unity of the nation and have used to this end the Proclamation of Independence Day, the Constitution of 1945 and the Pancasila (five principles of the state).
 A brief content analysis of the presidential speeches presented annually on Independence Day reveals, as is shown in the table, a strikingly frequent use of certain key words and slogans during both Sukarno's Guided Democracy period (1959-1965) and Sukarto's Panca Sila Democracy period (1966 to date). Sukarno's attachment to "revolution" and Suharto's concern for "development" both have been fashioned into slogans and acronyms, thus into symbols of governmental performance. The post-1965 Panca Sila Democracy and the pre-1965 Guided Democracy, in substance, differ only slightly from each other.
 Continuity also can be observed in the management of governmental and political apparatus. Rule by the Javanese majority has been a fundamental principle of Indonesian politics for the last three decades of independence, and with this has come an extreme sensitivity to balancing power between Javanese and non-Javanese forces. Sukarno's concept of NASAKOM has prevailed in Suharto's idea of three political groupings : Golkar, the Indonesian Democratic Party and the Development Unity Party. Both leaders have attempted further to turn the bureaucratic apparatus into a convenient machine to support and to promote government ideology. Finally, the pre-Gestapu and post-Gestapu presidents, not being able to use effectively the massive government bureaucracy, have resorted to "extra-constitutional" means to accomplish their objectives, as exemplified by Sukarno's creation of the National Front, KOTI, and KOTOE, and Suharto's similar reliance upon BAKIN for intelligence, OPSUS for political operations, and KOPKAMTIB for security and order.
 The personality cult of "Pak Harto" is much less distinct than that of "Bung Karno." Sukarno's use of "aku" (the intimate form of the first person singular) appears amazingly often in his 1965 speech, but in contrast, Suharto's more recent efforts to present himself as a symbol of unity must not be overlooked either, Too, while Sukarno's concern for himself and his nation led to the construction of monuments of "revolution, " Suharto has followed suit through his monuments of "development" : the increase of hotels and entertainment facilities in and around the capital, as well as an ill-fated "Mini-Indonesia" project somewhat resembling Disneyland.
 It may be wondered whether Suharto's leadership will draw closer to that of Sukarno, if he remains in power for a long period of time. It is impossible to determine now how his style will develop. What seems more certain is that Suharto will continue to create slogans of unity and development and will resort to extraconstitutional as well as to constitutional instruments of convenience.

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 This study is based on the survey results which were conducted in Java from the middle of August to the end of September, 1973.
 Three districts selected for those surveys are as follows :
(1) Kabupaten Malang, where horticulture and fruit-farming are prevailing. The number of sample farms is 85.
(2) Kabupaten Gunung Kidul, where agricultural productivity is low due to the poor land and lack of capital. The number of sample farms is 30,and they are located near Wonosari.
(3) Kabupaten Bogor, where relatively good conditions for farming exist. In addition, this area is a desirable location for getting new information concerning farm practices. The number of sample farms is 40.
 The purpose of this study is to know farmers' knowledge situation concerning farm practices and changing economic, social, and institutional conditions. Although this is a pilot study, still it shows us some important aspects of farmers' information structure in the managerial processes. It may be useful to find some ways by which agricultural extension services and/or other governmental works exert effective influence on farmers. Finally, it would offer some suggestions about how to supply new knowledge to the farmers and clarify the relationship of the farmers' managerial processes to the technological advance.

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