The principal objective of this paper is to examine how the Pakistani business groups that played major, important roles in Pakistan's industrial development were initially formed and grew subsequently. In addition, the paper also aims to analyze closely the economic as well as entrepreneurial roles they have played successfully since Pakistan's independence. The study chooses the Habib and Dawood zaibatsu (business group) as case studies. There are three reasons in focusing attention on the Habib and Dawood zaibatsu. First, the Habibs belongs to the Khoja community and are Muslims from Gujarat, and the Dawoods belongs to the Memon community from Kathiawar in Gujarat. Gujarat has produced a many great entrepreneurs. After Partition, both Khoja and Memon communities migrated to Pakistan and settled in Karachi. Second, they played a pioneering role of industrial development of Pakistan in the period immediately following the country's independence. Third, they are both well-known business groups in Pakistan. They are regarded as “nation-building” companies. They came to control the financial business since the beginning of the independence movement. The study examines how Pakistani zaibatsu was formed, and what specific contributions they have made toward industrial growth and developments in Muslim society. It shows what problems and difficulties the business groups will have to deal with in the years to come.
The purpose of this paper is to clarify the development process of the Japanese agricultural machine industry during the interwar period. The historical significance of the agricultural machine industry has been mainly studied in the fields of agricultural and industrial technology. This paper is the first attempt to evaluate it form the viewpoint of the industrial and business history. Unlike the American agricultural machine, which had developed from reapers or the tractors, the growth of the Japanese agricultural machines before World War II was led by the development of threshers and hulling machines. We can confirm the progress of agricultural mechanization by small machines. One characteristic of Japanese agriculture is the large number of petty farmers whose diversified small tenable lots made agricultural mechanization by large-sized machines impossible. Big firms like International Harvester in the United States manufactured both engines and machines, but in Japan, each factory specialized in the production of engines or machines (threshers and hulling machines). In this paper, therefore, the petrol engines and agricultural machines are examined separately. The increase in the production of petrol engines was led by both big factories such as Kubota Ironwork, and small- and medium-sized factories (e.g., the network of small factories in Okayama city). In the case of agricultural machines, they established their own production embedded in agricultural implements in the 1920s. Lastly, the distribution system, evolved from dependence on indigenous implements and hardware distribution in the 1920s to a new system supported by dealers specializing in engines and agricultural machines in the 1930s.
Enterprises owned by Koreans have been the largest minority businesses in Japan. Although Lotte and Softbank are now the two most notable companies among them, most Korean-owned firms have historically been small and invisible. This paper aims to illustrate the structural characteristics of Korean-owned enterprises in Japanese economy since World War II. After the de-colonization at the war's end, Koreans, many of whom had emigrated to the Kinki region before the war, started small businesses of their own, partially because they were excluded from the regular labor market because of widespread discrimination. Given their shortage of capital, they utilized the only resources they possessed, i.e., the knowledge accumulated in their prewar experiences as blue-collar workers. For the most part of postwar decades, thus, Korean businesses confined themselves to labor-intensive segments of such limited industries as rubber and plastic footwear, secondary metal processing, textile processing, hosiery making, and civil engineering. They also exhibited an interesting pattern of regional concentration for many of their major industries. Footwear businesses are mostly located in the western part of Kobe city, while the southern part of Osaka prefecture became the center of hosiery making. The development of Korean industries took two forms in the long run. First, particularly since the 1970s, Korean businesses started expanding in such new spheres such as money lending, real estate, and even professional services. Second, throughout the postwar decades, Koreans increased their presence in the pinball (pachinko) entertainment industry, which became a symbol of Korean businesses in Japan. Koreans now control the entire vertical chain of the pachinko industry from machine making to pinball halls. In the economic environment that has not necessarily been friendly, Korean businesses adapted relatively well to open up their own niches, particularly in non-manufacturing sectors. But their position did not follow the developmental direction that Japanese economy took. While the economy exited from labor-intensive industries, Korean enterprises have remained in that economic segment, which is not necessarily conducive to new business dynamics.