The purpose of this article is to survey the development of the vegetable oil industry during the middle Meiji period, through the case of Settsu Seiyu. Settsu Seiyu, a vegetable oil company, was established in Osaka in 1889 as a limited company by famous oil and fertilizer merchants whose businesses dated from the Tokugawa period. This company, which pressed oil seed by machine, was the largest vegetable oil company in Japan. At the time of its foundation, Settsu Seiyu pressed only rapeseed. The company started to press other oil seeds (cotton seed, linseed, castor, and peanut) after 1984. It purchased materials from various places in order to set off possible risks of poor harvests and to maintain stable management. The circulating fund for the purchase materials was constantly insufficient, although the equipment fund was sufficiently raised from capital paid up by the company. The company therefore often borrowed funds from the banks, thus benefiting from the financial system. Initially, Settsu Seiyu sold most of its vegetable oil and oil cakes through special agents. But later it did not depend on special agents at all. It advertised its goods at Furitsu Osaka Shohin Chinretsusho, and its products were highly rated at not only domestic industrial expositions but also foreign expositions. The company expanded its market. Most of the vegetable oil and the refined oil were consumed not only as light oil but also as machine oil.
The purpose of this paper is to analyze how the Japanese government and private enterprises switched energy resources from domestic coal to imported crude oil during the late 1950s, in particular to focus on the electric power industry and its policies. Beginning in 1955, the government had prohibited the electric power industry from building boilers that exclusively burned heavy oil but abolished the prohibition in 1960. This paper examines when and why the electric power industry first requested the removal of the ban on exclusive heavy oil burning. Further, it also looks at how the government reacted to the industry's claims. As a result of the examination, many ideas became clear. First, in 1957, the electric power industry, especially the Committee of Modernizing Electrics, started to claim that they needed to burn heavy oil exclusively because it was becoming certain that the supply of domestic coal could not meet the rapidly increasing demand for electricity. This meant that the electric power industry would have to consume much more heavy oil, without regard to price. So it opted for the exclusive burning of heavy oil in order to consume the oil at the lowest cost. Second, the government, especially MITI and the Economic Planning Agency, took the initiative of adopting and establishing the electric power industry's claim as their energy policy. This enabled them to keep down the cost of power generation and to supply enough electricity for maximum growth. Therefore, the protection of the domestic coal industry was never in the mainstream of Japan's energy policy.
The purpose of this paper is to clarify the relationship between the wage system for male blue-collar workers at Fujigasu Spinning Company and their daily lives during the middle Taisho years. The conclusion is summarised as follows : 1. There were three types of wage forms : pay-for-person system, group-piece system, and individual-piece system. Bonuses were paid by individual rank, but this was abolished in 1920 and substituted by wage rates. In the former two wage forms, worker performance was evaluated when determining the wage rate, and in the last form, performance may have been evaluated. 2. The evaluation principle of the entire company by the wage system was not established to control the workers' lives because their behavior was autonomous, and the manager did not know how to control the workers's family lives. The role of a worker in his family was not always that of the breadwinner and the workers' family lives varied. The worker could take a day off whenever heliked. The variety of workers' family lives and their behavior made it impossible for the manager to control their lives. 3. The order of wage worked with the evaluation system, accepting the autonomy of workers' lives. The wage system was not organized by trade and was not the only the form of payment. In this wage system, the evaluation system was shaped as a principle of management but it was not a way of control of its workers.