社会経済史学
Online ISSN : 2423-9283
Print ISSN : 0038-0113
ISSN-L : 0038-0113
42 巻, 2 号
選択された号の論文の10件中1~10を表示しています
  • 森田 明
    原稿種別: 本文
    1976 年 42 巻 2 号 p. 123-145,234
    発行日: 1976/09/30
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
    I-t'u was a tax collection system which was put into practice in a part of Chiang-nan (江南) ) in the age of Ch'ing. The purpose of this article is to investigate the institutional details of the i-t'u system, its organization and function, together with its relevance to the rule of hsiang-shen (郷紳) which was established on the basis of parasitic large landowning. The origin of the i-t'u system can be seen in the process of breaking up of li-chia (里甲) system in the age of Ming, for there emerged a contradiction between tzh-feng-t'ou-kuei (自封投櫃), a tax collection system in principle, and pao-lan (包攬), a tax (collection system in practice under the control by hsiang-shen. Therefore it was hsien-nien (現年) and other smaller landowning peasants who had been subject so pao-lan that had the greatest interests in i-t'u. Whereas t'u (図), a regional basis of the i-t'u system, was an administrative unit of three thousand mou (畝), it was a cornmunity or a union of villages consisted of several of the geographically close villages. The members of the i-t'u system were the smaller peasants, and they maintained the autonomous tax collection system in order to exclude pao-lan controlled by the privileged hsiang-shen. So it may be said that the i-t'u system was not only a passive organization to cooperate with the state in collecting taxes, but atso it was a defensive organization of the smallIer peasants for the purpose of protecting their interest and life as a group. What bound the menbers of the group together was t'u-kuei (図規), the regulations of i-t'u, and the strength of the bonds was manifested in a very strict sanction against those who were delinquent in paying their taxes. Moreover, while i-t'u was a legitimate tax paying system on the one hand, under certain (Donditions it could turn at any moment to the movement of paying no taxes on the other. It was, as it were, the two sides of the shield. The above analysis of the i.t'u system might contribute to the discussion on the rule of hsiang-shen in the Ch'ing age, in which one of the points is focussed at present on the evaluation of the position of the smaller landowning peasants.
  • 長野 ひろ子
    原稿種別: 本文
    1976 年 42 巻 2 号 p. 146-168,233-23
    発行日: 1976/09/30
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
    What was the impact of the rural decline in Mito han after the mideighteenth century on Tempo kenchi? What is the explanation for the way the upper class of peasants including village officials submitted to the kenchi even though it was disadvantageous to them? This article attempts to throw light on the first question by grasping characteristics of land holdings of various classes of peasants. As to the second question it attempts to seek the answer in the relationships of the village officials and the upper class peasants with the han government and with the average peasants. One of the characteristics of class differentiation in peasantry in the period of the rural decline could be seen in the fall of the lower class peasants, but their fall, in turn, resulted in difficulties of owner-farming by the upper class peasants. As time went by, however, some of the wealthy upper class peasants gradually accumulated lands even in the rural decline, though there appeared neither very large farmers nor appreciable development of landlord-tenant peasant relationship. In many cases the upper class people of villages became village officials, and they accumulated lands bearing less feudal rents, while the lower class peasants were left with infertile lands bearing more feudal rents, which led them into econonlically critical plight all the more. In accumulating lands village officials and the upper class peasants preferred dry fields to rice paddies because they could get surplus products more easily from fields on account both of the system of exploitation of feudal rents and of the development of commercial farming. As a result there arose serious conflicts between the upper and the lower class peasants. Those conflicts took the form of village disputes: disputes of average peasants against village officials about communal administration. Confronted with those disputes, the han government tried to avoid the rural crisis on the principle of excluding village officials' arbitrariness from communal administration. The policy on kenchi was basically in line with that principle of the han government, and it was carried out to the disadvantage of the village officials and the upper class peasants. But finding themselves in discord with the han government and the average peasants, the village officials and the upper class peasants saw that there had emerged, stances which would not allow them to object to the policy of the han government on kenchi. This ought not to be overlooked in analyzing historical roles of the upper class peasants as they came to be involved with the political strife in the end of the Tokugawa period.
  • 堀切 善雄
    原稿種別: 本文
    1976 年 42 巻 2 号 p. 169-191,232-23
    発行日: 1976/09/30
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
    The purpose of this article is to analyze the production system of the iron and steel industry of Japan at the period 1905-1913. In Japan in those days, manufacturing of steel was carried on by only seven establishments: the Kure Naval Arsenal, Sumitomo Iron Works, Kobe Steel, Ltd., Kawasaki Dock Yard Co., Kamaishi Iron Works, Nihon Steel Works, and the State-run Yawata Works. As the Kure Naval Arsenal and all of the private steel makers except Kamaishi Iron Works had introduced the acid open-hearth process, and the Yawata Works had introduced the Bessemer process, the rate of productive capacity of the acid process in the total productive capacity of all the steel furnaces in Japan had reached about 59 percent. The production of acid steel meant that the maker had not only to obtain phosphorus pig iron, but also to possess good hematite and coke, the blast furnace with adequate inner profile, and its own working process. But at that time the iron makers of Japan could not succeed in gaining mastery of the technological know-how to produce low phosphorus pig iron, and therefore the private steel makers as well as the Kure Naval Arsenal were obliged to depend for the supply of raw materials on overseas. As a result, difficulties in getting sufficient raw materials increased along with the development of the steel production. And at the same time, there was a lack of technological consistency between iron making and steel making inside the manufacturing establishments in Japan. All of the materials, equipments and working process for the basic steel are quite different from those for the acid steel. And it is essential for the integrated steel works to make materials suitable to its own steel making process. As is generally known, the Yawata Works had been equipped with acid converters and basic open-hearth furnaces, which meant it had to make pig iron of two kinds, namely low phosphorus pig iron and low silicious pig iron. But, at that time, the pig iron produced by the Yawata Works was neither low phosphorus nor low silicious, because the Yawata Works had not succeeded in obtaining mastery of producing either of them. And then the 'duplex process' was employed as a technological know-how to produce steel superior in quality. The delay of more than ten years in solving technological problems of iron and steel production at the Yawata Works impeded proportional development of the iron and steel industry of Japan.
  • 原 剛
    原稿種別: 本文
    1976 年 42 巻 2 号 p. 192-209
    発行日: 1976/09/30
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
  • 増田 四郎
    原稿種別: 本文
    1976 年 42 巻 2 号 p. 210-217
    発行日: 1976/09/30
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
  • 長谷川 彰
    原稿種別: 本文
    1976 年 42 巻 2 号 p. 218-220
    発行日: 1976/09/30
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
  • 楠井 敏朗
    原稿種別: 本文
    1976 年 42 巻 2 号 p. 220-223
    発行日: 1976/09/30
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
  • 藤田 一成
    原稿種別: 本文
    1976 年 42 巻 2 号 p. 223-226
    発行日: 1976/09/30
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
  • 琴野 孝
    原稿種別: 本文
    1976 年 42 巻 2 号 p. 226-229
    発行日: 1976/09/30
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
  • 原稿種別: 文献目録等
    1976 年 42 巻 2 号 p. 231-234
    発行日: 1976/09/30
    公開日: 2017/11/29
    ジャーナル オープンアクセス
feedback
Top