It is the main theme of this paper to investigate the reasons how Japanese industry could hasten the realization of import substitution and perform economic independence in the process of industrialization in the Meiji era. To achieve this purpose the object of study is the process of import substitution in cast iron industry which played an important part to produce the pipes for water service and mines. As the period of the Industrial Revolution in England is called 'the Cast Iron Age', this industry laid the foundation of her machinery industry. On the contrary the cast iron industry in Japan could not play such a part, but it filled the demand for full equipment of infrastructure and mines. The first construction of modern style waterworks was the one of Yokohama-City in 1887. Since then it was constructed in twenty four cities during the Meiji era and the total anount of money spent for construction is estimated as sixty two million yen and the demand for cast iron pipes amounted to four or five houndred of thousand tons which was equal to thirty seven percent of total pig iron products in the period. The first construction was accomplished through importing all needed materials from England under an English officer's design and operation, but since 1903 it was performed through appropriating domestic materials. Thus it was that cast iron pipe industry grew up as an independent industry, developed original technology and performed to be entirely self-sufficient. The factors of such a success are as follows : i) Cast iron industry had accumulated traditional technology since the ancient time. ii) The application of technological backlogs within the army and navy armories which inherited the heritages of feudal lords' undertakings with modern European technologies introduced during the end of the Tokugawa-shogunate. iii) In addition to that the fundamental factor was the vigorous entrepreneurship in the private sector during the Meiji era.

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Tokuzo Fukuda (1874-1930), who was well known as one of the representative economists from the end of Meiji to early Showa, was also a preeminent thinker. He ceaselessly grasped the actual problems in this country and seeked to solve them. Fukuda as an intellectual was mainly concerned with the relationship between the state and capitalistic society through his life. His idea is centred on social reform by means of voluntary activities and associations of individuals, furthermore on the reconstruction of capitalist state based on the above mentioned social reform. His position may be defined as 'Social Liberalism' and his ideological brocess can be understood as cohesion to show the problems of liberalism in modern Japan. After W. W.I advanced nations faced with severe crisis of their political system, resulting in the case of Weimar Republic in a new system which became the origin of modern state. Japan was not an exception in this world-wide trend. A series of social reforms after W. W.I in Japan (revision of suffrage in 1925, a plan of Labour Union Law and Tenant Act) coincided with it. Fukuda in the 1920's fixed his eyes on these changes at home and abroad. Now he was in the face of difficult task. He had to advance his own 'Social Liberalism', opposing both (1) Socialism, which rapidly exerted influence on intellectual circles, and (2) collaborationism (kyochoshugi) which was adovocated as a new priciple of industrial relations instead of the old paternalism. The theory of 'struggle for welfare' and the 'welfare state theory' which were maintained in his famous writing 'Socialpolicy and class struggle' in 1921 were the products of his pursuit of this task. The former demonstrated the possibilities and necessities of labour movement by the theory of Alfred Marshall and Arthur Cecil Pigou. By reinterpreting 'Das soziale Konigtum' of Lorenz von Stein, the latter constructed the state theory, which appreciated the voluntary activities of workers and aimed at the improvement of their welfare. This essay brings Fukuda in the early 1920's into focus, and attempts to examine the originality and significance of his theories.

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As the Great Depression in Agriculture during the last quarter of the nineteenth century was getting worse, in particular at the beginning of the 1890's, the political fermentation among peasantry became remarkable. In Bavaria it took the form of the rise of peasant movements. One was the Bayerischer Bauernbund which protested against the Catholic Zentrum; the other was the Bayerischer Bauernverein which did not oppose the Zentrum. Until now, concerning the agricultural organization, Bund der Landwirte (BdL) which was organized according to the initiative of large estate owners in the east of the Elbe has attracted historians' attention. Recently, however, Ian Farr attemped to describe the significance of peasant movements in Bavaria. His argument is as follows. Local examination shows that various peasant leagues, which were at the heart of a political radicalisation in the Bavarian countryside, cannot be seen as some monolithic appendage of the BdL. Propounding a problem like this, he analyzed the activity of the Bayerischen Bauernbund in connection with the tariff reform of 1902 for the first time. The purpose of the present article is to consider the Bayerischen Bauernverein in comparison with the Bayerischen Bauernbund and to elucidate the historical significance of the cooperative society ("Ein-und Verkaufsgenossenschaft") which was formed on the basis of the Bayerischen Bauernverein. In Bavaria, after Caprivi's "Neue Kurs", the division of social strata on which the Zentrum was based became obvious. The Zentrum's approving of the trade agreement with Austria-Hungary provoked antipathy among peasantry and led to the organization which excluded the nobility and the high priests and consisted of almost only peasantry. In this way, from 1893 to 1895 the Bayerischer Bauernbund was formed. Almost simultaneously, the Bayerischer Bauernverein began to be organized. Although both organizations had common characteristic that their organizational basis consisted of almost catholic peasants, they coped with a critical phase quite differently. The Bauernbund organized an independent political party, "Bauernpartei". It limited its activity to the realization of the economic policy and tried to rely on "Staatshilfe". In contrast with the Bauernbund, the members of the Bauernverein remained the constituency of the Zentrum. The Bauernverein also needed "Staatshilfe", but to the extent that its policy never became exclusive one which considered only the peasants' interest. On the other hand, the Bauernverein regarded the cooperative movemeht, which was based on the idea of "Selbsthilfe" among peasants, as the nucleus of its development. The formation of "Ein- und Verkaufsgenossenschaft" promised to rationalize the production and circulation process in peasant economy, but this function was given the practical basis for the first time when the combination of "Genossenschaft" and "Raiffeisenverein" was attained and "Lagerhauser" were built. The Bauernverein coped with the crisis rationally and carved its way to overcome the critical situation. By this option, first of all, the Bauernverein played a role to prevent peasantry from coming to vote for the Social Democratic Party. Secondly, the Bauernverein tried to offer the practical base to oppose the tendency that peasantry suffering from the exploitation by usurers joined the anti-Semitic movement. Thirdly, the activity of the Bauernverein served to stabilize peasants' landownership.

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This paper intends to clarify (i) the contents of sheep breeding on five Kentish manors of Eastry, Ebony, Great Chart, Ickham, and Welles of the priory, analyzing their serjeants' accounts, compoti, preserved in the Canterbury Cathedral Archives and Library, and (ii) the character of its sheep farming in terms of division of breeding among manors, comparing it with that of Durham Cathedral Priory. The analysis shows the following : 1) Judging from the sex and age composition of flock (ram, ewe, wether, hogaster, maiden-ewe, lamb), the contents and purposes of sheep breeding are classified into four. (a) Ickham which kept all types of sheep was aiming at all of lambing, wool, and cheese. (b) Ebony, a marshland manor, bred very few wethers and hogasters. So its purpose was rather on lambing and cheese than on wool. (c) Eastry and Welles had all types until about 1307 but since then bred wethers only. Accordingly, the character of breeding which had aimed at lambing, wool and cheese changed for wool production only. (d) Great Chart had either wethers or hogasters only for 4 out of the 33 years examined. Because of this Great Chart doesn't seem to have had any definite purposes. 2) The number of sheep on a manor increased or decreased by lambing or murrain, by purchase or sale, and by receiving from or sending to other manors. Of these three causes the last means the movement of flock from manor to manor. Among the manors of Durham Cathedral Priory sheep were transfered on a large scale over considerable distances, owing to its extensive division of breeding. In contrast, no such movement was observed on the manors of Canterbury Cathedral Priory under analysis. With the exception of Ebony, the transfer of sheep was a rare practice on the other four manors. Ebony was engaged in it with a neighboring manor, Appledore, by sendihg its male sheep there and receiving females from there. However, its scale and scope of the flock movements was negligible compared with that of Durham. Therefore, the division of breeding was rarely practiced on the Canterbury manors. The findings of this paper suggest that the main feature of sheep farming of Canterbury Cathedral Prioy was in its independent and isolated character, thus, lacking the practice of division of breeding and inter-manorial transfer. This is evident by comparing with the practice carried out in Durham Cathedral Priory where the division of breeding and inter-manorial linkages were prevalent.

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