This paper undertakes to examine the role and functions of domain notes (hansatsu), or han issued currencies, in the development of the Japanese economy during the Edo Period. The earliest domain notes go back to the issue of silver notes by the Fukui Han of Echizen in the first year of the Kanbun Era (1661). In later years, up to 244 han, or roughly eighty percent of the country's 300 domains issued their own notes which remained in circulation until the edict of 1871 and the emergence of the new national currency. The issue of domain notes were closely related to the development of han economies as they were used to finance han monopolies which bought up local products such as cotton fabrics, paper, and candle wax for resale in the national markets. Generally, circulation of domain notes was limited within the domain of their issue. Supposedly, holders could demand conversion into Bakufu specie-gold, silver, and copper coins. However, overissuance as a measure to cover budget deficits was not uncommon, and as a result, in relatively many cases convertibility was lost and domain notes tended to become irredeemable paper money. In an earlier study of the historical characteristics of domain notes, I have used the concept of "credit money," and in this light have done a case study of the Tashiro domain of Hizen (under the rule of the Tsushima Han). In his review of the study, Prof. Hirokichi Taya has concluded that the Tashiro domain notes cannot be viewed as credit money, but rather merely functioned as government issued paper money. In the present paper, I attempt to give some counter-arguments against the interpretations of Prof. Taya. My point is to show that while domain notes had the characteristic features of fiat money within the issuing domain, they simultaneously and basically were credit issues, and that it is important to turn our attention to the fact that the establishment and circulation of domain notes with these compound features expanded the scope of economic development in the Edo Period and contributed to the formation of the historical foundations of the modern Japanese economy.

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The modern industry of the Polish Kingdom made rapid progress in the second half of the nineteenth century. The textile industry in the Lodz region was the nucleus of the development. The purpose of this paper is to elucidate the role of the state policy 1830 in the formation and growth of the textile industry. In the formative period of the Kingdom, agriculture as a main industry was stagnant and national finance got stringent by reason of Napoleonic Wars. The government under active direction of the Finance Minister Lubecki compulsorily embarked on the reconstruction of economy with broad support from people nourishing a sense of national crisis. We might mention here that the government of the Polish Kingdom before 1830 held considerable independency in making decisions and carring out its own policy, in spite of the fact that the Kingdom was under the rule of Russia. The efforts were mainly directed to the formation of textile industry. For this aim the government afforded support to journals which gave information about industrial situations of advanced countries in the West and propageted new thought and technical knowledge. The government also invited technical experts from abroad and established institutions for technical training in Warsaw and other cities. Both the dredging and conservancy of main rivers and the construction of trunkroad network contributed to the formation of home market. While the tariff circumstances were more acutely concerned in the formation of market. From 1822, when Russia switched her tariff policy to a protective one, the Kingdom held favorable tariff condition to the growth of textile industry, particularly woolen industry, protecting it from competition with products of the West and securing market in Russia. In 1830 people rose in revolt against Russia and suddenly things had an unfavorable turn. The woolen industry of the Kingdom fell into crisis and cotton industry grew in place of it during 1830's and 1840's. From 1851 the Polish Kingdom was incorporated into the tariff area of Russia and was given guarantee for sale in Russia as a result. The government, in addition, directed its efforts to the introduction of skilled hands in the industry. While handicraftsmen from abroad were granted various rights and financial supports in alignment with this policy, the industrial districts were settled in some cities by the government. The development of the Lodz textile industry was by far the most striking achievement of the policy. From 1816 financial help for the industry was continued on an extensive scald by the government or the Bank of Poland established in 1828. The government of the Polish Kingdom worked out policy and played an active part in the reconstruction of economy and rearing of industry. Indeed its activity was stopped at 1831, but the thought and efforts were handed over to an institution such as the Bank of Poland in the coming period in which the polish capitalism came into bloom. It might be estimated that the role of the government in the formative period of the capitalism in Poland in the nineteenth century was fundamentally important.

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In spite of the agrarian protests against "Monopoly", 19th century American catitalism could develop into the stage of the monopolistic capitalism in the early 20th century. It is curious that the Americans including farmers who had criticized "Monopoly" came to believe the 20th century society to be democratic. The purpose of this paper is to state why they came to think so. At first we find out the social background of the farmer's discontents. The farmers criticized "Monopoly" as they thought it wielded over-whelming power politically and economically in order to get big profits. We admit their belief caused the agrarian revolt directly. But we think this is onesided explanation. There was a deeper reason for the farmer's dissatisfaction. That is the widening gap of "the standard of living" between "country" and "city". In "city", people had been able to get more goods more easily since the early 19th century. At the same time characteristic role allotment in the family appeared, that is to say, "business" and "household affairs" were divided between husband and wife. This life style of "city" can be characterized as the middle class life style, which became the symbol and the goal of the American citizens. The more the railroads were constructed and the information of the city life entered into "country", the more the country people increased their desires for the city life style on the one hand and their feelings of inequality on the other hand. Farmers made efforts to make their lives more affluent. This was the basic element of the agrarian revolt, along with the political opposition against "Monopoly". To realize this they tried to make cooperative stores, but most of them failed because of the lack of capital and experience and other reasons. Never the less, they could have another channel to get several goods made in "city" more easily and more cheaply than before. It was the mail-order system. The first big mail-order house, Montgomery Ward Co., was established in 1872 to provide several kinds of goods to the western farmers cheaper than those of the country stores. The business grew to succeed in getting large markets in rural areas. The history of the mail-order house is a typical example which reveals that the rationalization of the economic system by the big businesses appeased farmer's discontents. We can find out the same examples in other industries; farm machinery, railroad and etc. Ironically saying, the farmer's anti-monopolistic feeling was appeased by the establishment of the big businesses. So far as the big businesses continue to provide many cheap consumer goods, the American society is considered democratic in the eyes of the Americans.

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The purpose of this note is to analyze the composition of inhabitants as labour force in Japanese industrial cities in the 1920s. In order to throw light upon the process of formation of the modern wage-labour, what is important seems to be not so much the study of the rural district where expropriated agricultural population drained out, as that of the towns and cities where working population forms a labour reservoir. It might be an effective method, though the previous studies has been generally forcused on the rural districts. Therefore, taking up Imabari City in Ehime Prefecture as an example of an industrial city, I have paid attention to the years 1907 to the 1910s when the modern cotton weaving industry was established there, and tried to analyze the change of occupational composition of the inhabitants with the increase of population, the arrangement of newcomers in this old castle town, the relation between the formation of wage-labour and the ancient urban lower classes, and so on. Moreover this note makes it its difinite aim to make clear the characteristics of amassment of wage-labour, to make clear the nature of the newcomers' settlement and family structure in Imabari in the 1920s. For this purpose, in addition to Imabari, looking at two other cities of Yahata and Maebashi which grew up mainly with the development of industries different from cotton weaving, we try to grasp the characteristics of the composition of the inhabitants in the respective cities. The differences among these should make clear the characteristics of Imabari. To this end, using Population Census of Japan in 1920, '25, '30 and a labour statistics survey (Rodo Tokei Jitchi Chosa Hokoku) in 1924, '27, '30, the population composition in those cities and the conditions of the labour population which characterize it are analyzed. On the basis of this analysis, from the viewpoint of the composition of the inhabitants, it is showed that, in Japanese industrial cities in the 1920s, two different types are found. One is "the heavy industrial city" where newcomers settle and immediately reproduce offspring, and the other is "the light industrial city" where newcomers hardly do so. These two types exist at the same time, and Imabari is classified as the latter.

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