In contemporary society, stadia/arenas are not just places to watch sports, but places with various functions and meanings. Therefore, in this paper, I decipher the function/meaning of such sports stadia based on several past articles of the author, while referring to recent knowledge, and present/examine its sociocultural perspective. Then finally I attempt to present future issues.

　Firstly, an overview of the characteristics of sports stadia is provided, mainly for stadiums and arenas that have been actively built since the birth of modern sports. Here it is shown that stadia have historically been used not only as glorious places for watching sports, but also for violence, male communities, crowd emotions, political gatherings, etc.

　From the point of view of sociological and cultural function of the stadium, it is argued that the stadium reflects the conditions, order, and values of the society concerned, such as gender norms, behavioral norms, and dominant ideologies. At the same time, it is also argued that the stadium plays a role as a social and political refuge.

　Furthermore, after considering consumerism and global capitalism among perspectives to deepen understanding of sports stadia, supplementary explanations were added on the dimensions of “identity/ pride” and “aesthetics” as significant perspectives.

　Finally, after examining current issues from the perspectives of social activism and sustainability, I made some normative suggestions for end-user hospitality design from the perspectives of vernacular, gender, and “place” for future sport spectating space design.

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　This paper focuses on the distance between the spectator and the field to discuss the attractiveness of sports spectating and cheering, and examines its relationship with sports consumer behavior.
　Using the Experience-Behavior model of professional baseball stadiums (Uebayashi 2017), compared the influence of three factors of stadium experience on behavioral intention (re-viewing) by calculating the coefficient of determination from the path coefficient while comparing groups by seating segments using simultaneous multiple population analysis.
　In the existing 6 seating segments, there were no significant differences in the model’s factor scores, and showed a characteristic difference in the influence of each factor.
　The distance between the spectator and the field was then examined by setting up an arbitrary seating area and examining the relationship between the seats and the distance between the spectator and the field. The influence of the experience of watching the game (71.35%) on the behavioral intention (re-viewing) became smaller as the distance from the field increased, and decreased to 0% in the seating area more than 90m away from the field. The influence of the group viewing experience (23.72%) and the food and beverage service experience (6.05%) increased. That sports spectators who wanted a sense of presence preferred the front of the entire seating area near the field, while sports spectators who wanted a group spectating experience such as cheering preferred the rear of the entire seating area where they could view the entire stadium.

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　In recent years, surveys and research on cheering behavior have been performed from various perspectives. These studies have shown tightening of control over people who act as leaders of cheering groups, the presence and achievements of females in cheering groups, and movement of cheering into the consumer market. Regarding these points, I discuss directions and future issues based on examples observed in spectator seats of professional baseball.
　The local and traditional culture of cheering has changed markedly with internationalization, commercialization, and progression towards genderlessness. As a result, the old style of cheering has declined, creating what might be referred to as “controlled enthusiasm”. However, at the stadium, we found that there were moves against this direction. Female participation in cheerleading has steadily progressed; however, as for many competitive sports, this activity is still based on the premise of male/female distinction. In addition, the audience has become part of the expanding sport business and many goods are now purchased. It seems that there is a growing tendency for spectators of sports to express themselves with these items.
　This essay is based on the author's observation notes, and it is neither the result of a designed survey nor findings based on analysis of systematically collected data. The aim is to consider the current situation and to identify future research issues based on the field notes.

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　This paper focuses on the “ouendan” as a group and space in modern Japanese culture. Although the Japanese word “ouendan” can refer to all spectators gathered at a stadium, this paper focuses on a permanent organization or group called “ouendan” to examine its history and culture. The origin of this group can be traced back to the Meiji period (1868-1912). The ouendan have developed their own way of thinking and behavior over their long history, and have always found great value in obtaining and protecting their “ouendan like” characters. Although they have continued to protect and maintain their values which were thought to be outdated at times, in fact, it is interesting to realize that their culture includes “ritualistic and magical” aspects, functions as a cultural device, and contributes to the reproduction of the history and culture of each school/university. Furthermore, they have also played a crucial role in maintaining and strengthening the power of the schools/universities. This paper examines what cultural and social values have been fostered, upheld, and represented by the “ouendan” and how they have functioned as a cultural device in Japanese society.

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　Parents often have to support their children's sports activities. On club teams, mothers especially play large roles in supporting children's activities, but their roles aren't directly related to playing sports. Instead, they support children from the shadows. Regarding this situation, various problems have been pointed out in previous research.
　Nevertheless, why do only mothers continue supporting children from the shadows? The purpose of this study is to clarify the mechanisms that reproduce the roles of mothers, using data from focus group discussions. In this research, two focus group discussions are conducted with 10 schoolchildren's mothers. One of these groups consisted of mothers who provided lots of support to their children's club teams. The other group consisted of mothers whose children didn't play sports on club teams.
　Results showed that the burden of “investment” was greater than the “benefit” for mothers. So they needed to collect informal information about their roles from other groups of mothers (“Mama-tomo”). Then they chose to join the club or not. Some mothers gave up on their children's participation in clubs. Others chose which clubs to join based on the extent to which they can bear the burden.
　Consequently, mothers built networks among other mothers with the same degree of burden, as roles in each club were entrenched. Information in the clubs was again brought to the “Mama-tomo” network. Study results indicated that the structure where mothers play a marginal role in their children's sports activities is reproduced by a mother's behavior to reduce the burden.

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　This paper examines the logic and process of a certain person's becoming a bodybuilder and devotion to bodybuilding. While previous studies have reported the devotion of bodybuilders to bodybuilding [Klein 1993; Wacquant 1995; Brown 1999], the dynamics that lead to such devotion have not been adequately examined. Therefore, this paper aims to clarify the logic and process of a certain person's devotion to bodybuilding by focusing on the transformation of the physical dimension of the bodybuilder's existence, especially the physical experience.
　The results are as follows. First, the respondents in the study became bodybuilders driven by the belief that “muscles do not betray you”.
　Second, as they started with bodybuilding, they began to monitor the reactions of their bodies in order to make their muscles bigger and to discipline their daily lives in accordance with these reactions. In here, the body came to function as a transcendental other that provided absolute norms for daily lives, and it was inferred that in the above process, the respondents became devoted to bodybuilding.
　Third, the above-mentioned bodybuilders' practice of discipline creates norms of value and conduct in an uncertain reality where there are no absolute guidelines, and thereby creates a firm meaning and purpose in the life of the respondents. This logic, in which the more one devotes oneself to bodybuilding, the more the meaning of one's life become clear and certain, can be inferred to be the logic behind a certain person's devotion to bodybuilding.

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　In surfing culture, which is characterized as an escapist and resistant culture, surfers have actively developed social movements for social change. However, conflicts arise between surfers and other stakeholders when they advocate for environmental conservation. When surfers advocate for environmental conservation, what causes the conflict between surfers and other stakeholders, and what logic is behind the conflict?
　Therefore, the purpose of this paper is to explore the discussions between surfers, local residents, and experts regarding the environmental conservation movement by surfers, and to clarify the difficulties and possibilities of the movement by surfers themselves. Taking Ichinomiya Town as a case study, the paper will focus on the “Ichinomiya Attractive Coast Creation Conference.”
　The analysis in this article reveals the difficulties that surfers face when advocating for environmental conservation in their communities. Surfers are positioned in a double distinction from local residents and professional knowledge due to the historical background of surfing culture's association with resistance, and the experiential knowledge derived from physical sensations brought about by immersion in the ocean. Thus, surfers were doubly misaligned, making their claims difficult to be heard by local residents and experts.
　In addition, it can be confirmed that surfers' social movements triggered by their physical experiences through “play” have the potential to update the knowledge of experts. This paper is significant in that it reveals the difficulties surfers face when they develop social movements, as well as the possibility of being involved in the shifting scientific knowledge.

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