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45 巻, 3 号
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坂巻 清原稿種別: 本文
1979 年 45 巻 3 号 p. 233-261,356-35
発行日: 1979/10/31
公開日: 2017/07/15
ジャーナル オープンアクセスIn this article, the author considers some problems with which London livery companies were confronted in the first half of the 17th century, and tries to explicate the reason why the livery companies, which had developed the oligarchic system in the 16th century, faced the seperation movement of small masters, artisans, and retailers, who organized their own companies getting the incorporation charters from the Crown. First of all, he surveys the Poll Tax Return in 1641 to see the actual conditions of freemen of livery companies, and finds the mixture of various kinds of trades among the company members. For instance, in the Drapers', Company, only 75 of 862 members were drapers, accounting for 8.7%, while the rest were the men of other 118 kinds of trades. Such mixture can be found in almost all companies, but it is more conspicuous in trading companies, such as the Drapers' and the Leathersellers', than in artisans' companies, such as the Horners'. In the former, the actual trades were so diversified that they had lost the character of a homogenious trade association. On the other hand, in the latter, the members of the proper trade accounted for more than 70% of all, so that the companies could still have some aspects of the medieval craft gilds. What was it that caused such a trade mixture? Following Dr. Thrupp's article, the author claims that the main reason lies in the way how the trade monopoly of medieval gilds was maintained. In medieval London, the monopoly of gilds existed in the retail trade and handicraft, but not in the wholesale trade. Moreover, "the custom of London" enablec anyone to run any trade, when he had finished the apprenticeship in a mistery and had become a freeman of a company and the city. These circumstances brought about the trade mixture, especially in trading companies. Finally, examining the Repertories of the Court of Aldermen in the early 17th century, he sees how artisans and retailers made resistance against the trade mixture within their companies. The Stuart Corporation of small masters was the realization of it in the extremest form, trying to get the men of same trade together and to revive the homogenious trade association.抄録全体を表示PDF形式でダウンロード (2689K) -
杉山 伸也原稿種別: 本文
1979 年 45 巻 3 号 p. 262-289,355-35
発行日: 1979/10/31
公開日: 2017/07/15
ジャーナル オープンアクセスRaw silk was the most important export article from Japan during the Process of industrialization. The development of the silk reeling industry in Japan was accelerated by the continuous increase in demand for Japanese silk overseas after the opening of the ports in 1859. It has been insisted in earlier studies, firstly, that the rapid increase of raw silk exports from Japan, mostly from Yokohama, was mainly due to its good quality and cheap price and secondly, therefore, that western merchants who dealt exclusively with raw silk exports enjoyed an enormous profit in the transaction owing to the difference in prices between Yokohama and the international markets (London and Lyons). I intend in this article to review quantitatively these discussions on Japan's raw silk exports from 1859 to the mid-1870's with special reference to the London and Lyons markets where Japanese raw silk was transported, using mainly British Consular Reports and the Jardine Matheson Archive. London was the distribution centre of the world silk trade in the middle of the 19th century. In the early 1860's Japanese raw silk was exported to Britain via Shanghai. After the opening of regular services to Yokohama by the Peninsular & Oriental Steam Navigation Company in 1864 and Messageries Imperiales in 1865, direct shipments to Britain and France increased. Though the shipments to Marseiles increased especially after the opening of the Suez Canal in 1869, London remained the central the market of the world silk trade until 1880. Before Japanese silk was imported to Britain in 1859, Chinese silk took a share of 70-80 per cent of Britain's total raw silk imports and established a predominant position in the London silk market. Japanese silk was first welcomed with enthusiasm and its imports increased to 2,294 thousand lbs. in 1863, or 27 per cent of Britain's raw silk imports. However, the quality of Japanese silk deteriorated in the following years and its imports were continuously stagnant partly because of the deterioration in quality and partly of the increase in imports of Chinese silk. The price of Japanese silk both on the London and Lyons markets had been continuously high during this period. In both quality and price, Japanese silk remained in keen competition with Italian, Chinese and Bengal silk, and, though its quality was comparatively better than Chinese and Bengal silk, the possibility of expanding its market was restricted due to the stagnation of the domestic raw silk production and the decline in quality. The second discussion concerning the difference in prices turns to the miscalculation of the exchange rates. Reviewing carefully prices in Yokohama, London and Lyons, the price in Yokohama was about 83 per cent on average of the prices in London and Lyons, which was quite reasonable, if freight, insurance and other expenses were included. It is necessary to pursue a detailed study on the operations of western merchants in Japan.抄録全体を表示PDF形式でダウンロード (2482K) -
黒崎 征佑原稿種別: 本文
1979 年 45 巻 3 号 p. 290-313,354-35
発行日: 1979/10/31
公開日: 2017/07/15
ジャーナル オープンアクセスIt is said that the historical studies have not been made concretely enough of the middle class in the cities in modern Japan. It is felicitous that Keiichi Noguchi, filling this void, recently wrote The Study of the History of the Lower Middle Class Movement in the Cities (1976). In it he discusses in detail the democratical movement of the lower middle class in the cities, that is, the thought and the behaviour of the political parties (such as the Republican Renewal Party, Kyoowa Isshin Too established in 1931) in the preparatory period and the period of maturity of the Japanese fascism. After these periods comes what Masao Maruyama termed the consummation period of the Japanese fascism (Thought and Behaviour in Modern Japanese Politics, 1956). This article intends to analyse the thought and behaviour of the lower middle class citizens in the latter period. When the Imperial Rule Assistance Association, Taisei Yokusan Kai and the Serve-the-State-through-Industry Association, Dainippon Sangyo Hookoku Kai (1940) were established (which meant the dissolution of the political parties and the labour unions), the footholds of the opposition to the establishment were completely destroyed, and they could not but change their way of opposition. It is intended to give a specific accounts of their consciousness and behaviour toward the decree of the combination of the textile manufacturers which was issued in keeping with Prince Konoe's New Order Movement (1940).抄録全体を表示PDF形式でダウンロード (2394K) -
浅野 啓子原稿種別: 本文
1979 年 45 巻 3 号 p. 314-336,353-35
発行日: 1979/10/31
公開日: 2017/07/15
ジャーナル オープンアクセスIm 16. Jahrhundert hat Sudwestdeutschland die Kompliziertheit der politischen Struktur. In diesem Gegenstand fanden die Aufstande mit dem groβen deutschen Bauernkrieg statt. Es ist nunmehr bekannt daβ eine der Ursachen des Aufstandes in der Ausbildung der Territorialstaatlichkeit bestand. Wir wollen in dem vorliegenden Aufsatz suchen, die Entwicklung der Territorialisierung im Sudwestdeutschland zu untersuchen, und vornehmlich in bezug auf die Leibeigenschaft, uber die sich die Bauern haufig im Bauernkrieg beschwerten. Als die Quellenmaterialien verfugen uns uber die Urbare der Herrschaft Trauchburg von 1509, 1918 und 1551. Durch die Analyse des Urbar ergibt sich zunachst 1551 die finanzielle Vergroβerung, vor allem die bedeutende Vermehrung des Zins vom Gewinn der vielen Lehen. Dann sich hinsichtlich der grundherrschaftlichen Verhalthnisse zum Bauer bestatigte, daβ das Zins stabil blieb, wahrend die Besitzwechselabgabe willkurlich erhoht wurde und daher ein wichtiger Hebel fur Vermehrung war. Zum dritten wrde der Ubergang der herrschaftlichen Politik unter den Inhalte und den Formeln der Urbare von 1509, 1518 und 1551 betrachtet, so zeigte es sich daβ der Herr 1551 die geschlossene Herrschaft mittels der Gerichtsbarkeit strebte und besonders sich bemuhte, die Verbindunng der Gerichtsherrschaft und der Leibeigenschaft, d.h. die Lokalleibeigenschaft vorwartszubringen. Im Hintergrund dieser Intensivierung der Gewalt soll es darauf rechnen, daβ es gibt die dem Sudwestdeutschland eigentumliche "versteinerte" Grundherrschaft und die Zerstreuung der Leibeigene, sich solcher Absicht des Gerichtsherr zu widersetzen. Insgesamt zusehen ist die Tertitorialisierung in der Herrschaft Trauchburg sowohl die Beforderung der Lokalleibeigenschaft als die Intensivierung der Grundherrschaft in den Gerichtsbezirk, die gelegentlich in der Form der Verbindung der Grundherrschaft und der Leibeigenschaft fordert wird. Ubrigens wird die bauerliche genossenschaftliche Bewegung gegenuber der Eotwicklung der Trerritorialisierung etwas erwahnt: die Bildung der Landschaft. Die Landschaft in der Herrschaft Trauchburg, die erst im Urbar von 1551 erschien, wurde von vier Bauern vertreten, trug die Aufgabe der Steuererhebung und stutzte auf diese Weise zum Teil die Finanz der Herrschaft. Im deutschen Sudwesten gibt es keine Landschaft ohne Bauern-Vertreter, Ja die Landvogtei Schwaben und eine Vielzahl schwabischer Kloster-, Adel- und reichssadtischer Herrschaften kennen nur die bauerliche Landschaft. Es scheint mir daher solcher Charakter der Landschaft nicht ganz im Zusammenhang mit die Kompliziertheit der politiscthen Struktur im Sudwestdeutschland zu stehen.抄録全体を表示PDF形式でダウンロード (2073K) -
山中 永之佑原稿種別: 本文
1979 年 45 巻 3 号 p. 337-340
発行日: 1979/10/31
公開日: 2017/07/15
ジャーナル オープンアクセスPDF形式でダウンロード (497K) -
田中 恭子原稿種別: 本文
1979 年 45 巻 3 号 p. 340-342
発行日: 1979/10/31
公開日: 2017/07/15
ジャーナル オープンアクセスPDF形式でダウンロード (394K) -
横山 宏章原稿種別: 本文
1979 年 45 巻 3 号 p. 342-345
発行日: 1979/10/31
公開日: 2017/07/15
ジャーナル オープンアクセスPDF形式でダウンロード (511K) -
北 政巳原稿種別: 本文
1979 年 45 巻 3 号 p. 345-348
発行日: 1979/10/31
公開日: 2017/07/15
ジャーナル オープンアクセスPDF形式でダウンロード (524K) -
米川 伸一原稿種別: 本文
1979 年 45 巻 3 号 p. 348-350
発行日: 1979/10/31
公開日: 2017/07/15
ジャーナル オープンアクセスPDF形式でダウンロード (377K) -
原稿種別: 文献目録等
1979 年 45 巻 3 号 p. 352-356
発行日: 1979/10/31
公開日: 2017/07/15
ジャーナル オープンアクセスPDF形式でダウンロード (274K)
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