社会経済史学

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The existing historiography has done much to highlight the impact of the Second World War on social reform in Britain. Indeed the extensive damage done to major British cities and their housing stock provided a unique opportunity for architects and town planners to set a new standard in postwar housing, which would deal with slums as well as with the problem of urban sprawl. Accordingly the idea of neighbourhood unit planning was promoted, with its mix of dwelling types and provision of social facilities. This article, by considering the contrasting cases of two blitzed cities, Portsmouth and Coventry, examines how the design solutions advanced by these experts intersected both with public opinion and the implementation of housing policy under the 1945 Labour Government. The picture that emerges is of Portsmouth, prompted by Whitehall and operating in a relatively favourable environment, choosing to concentrate on the basics in housing provision. In Coventry, on the other hand, the priority given to industrial expansion because of the plight of the British eoonomy represented a constant threat to the city council's housing programme with its central idea of providing for the community. Yet the performances of the two cities in terms of housebuilding were very similar and there is evidence that their experience was typical of what was happening elsewhere in the late 1940s : the high standard of individual houses contrasted with the poor provision of social facilities on new housing estates. Thus the realities in popular housing provision did not match the high hopes of architects and planners. Their influence was very much circumscribed by the difficult economic circumstances of the late 1940s and by the existence of conservative, anti-planning forcesin society.

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In the Tokugawa Era, the porcelain industry around the Hizen area in south-west Japan flourished, developing many kinds of manufacturing products. In the 18th century, demand for the porcelain goods manufactured in Arita expanded into regions such as Setouchi, and the Sea of Japan, and they were sold by neighbouring Imari merchants to merchants from western Japan. Saga-han started supporting the Hizen porcelain industry in the mid-18th century, lending funds to manufacturers in Arita. In 1801, the han also took control of the transport of porcelain to Osaka and Edo and its subsequent sale by a system called Gen-gawase. This involved manufacturers' bringing their products to a trading post (the Sarayama-Kaisho) established in Arita by Saga-han so that they could be carefully inspected before any loans were approved. The system was a convenient way for Arita manufacturers to obtain working capital. By the economic reforms carried out by Saga-han during the Tempo period, prominent merchants in Imari and Arita were allowed to buy from both Arita manufacturers and Imari merchants for sale in Osaka and Edo. As a result of this change in distribution, after 1849 the financial assistance provided by Saga-han covered not only Arita manufacturers but also Imari and Arita merchants. Saga-han also supported Arita merchants in exporting Hicho-zan porcelain products from Nagasaki.

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Previous studies have largely neglected the presence of a large number of non-estate immigrant labourers in the urban areas of Ceylon (Sri Lanka) as well as the agitations made against them. In the 1930s, as a result of the serious unemployment caused by the Great Depression and the growing influence of Sinhala nationalism, anti-Indian feeling prevailed among the masses of Ceylon. A.E. Goonesinha and other politicians exploited the nationalistic feelings of the people, who gained universal suffrage in 1931 under the Donoughmore Constitution. Malayalis, who had migrated to Colombo and other cities from the area in south India which is now Kerala State, were the main target of the agitations. Many Malayalis were employed as daily-paid labourers in government and quasigovernment institutions, commercial firms, and factories. They also worked as domestic servants, peons, garden coolies, and shop-keepers. The Malayalis were valued as 'efficient' and 'obedient' by their employers but were criticised by chauvinistic politicians for ousting Ceylonese labourers by undercutting their wages. As ethntc tension grew, their shops were threatened and boycotted ; Malayalis were insulted in public and occasionally even assaulted. Under these circumstances, the Ceylonese government adopted several policies of 'Ceylonization'. The dismissal and repatriation of immigrant daily-paid labourers in government employment in 1939 was one of the consequences of the anti-Malayali agitations.

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