GENGO KENKYU (Journal of the Linguistic Society of Japan)
Online ISSN : 2185-6710
Print ISSN : 0024-3914
Volume 1959, Issue 35
Displaying 1-8 of 8 articles from this issue
  • Humio KUSAKABE
    1959 Volume 1959 Issue 35 Pages 1-21
    Published: March 31, 1959
    Released on J-STAGE: November 26, 2010
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    Since 1927, we have got the “nucleus” of Japanese accentuation, significant high-pitched mora by Prof. K. Miyata's excellant work. It is said that heibansiki (horizontal) accentuation has no nucleus. And we cannot distinguish the accentuation of one-mora word isolated, but with a particle.
    I consider that, each word has a additional final mora, a staccato or a extension of vowel, which can be replaced with a particle, and has one and only nucleus, which dominates it. According to this views, we can put a nucleus on the additional final mora of the so-called non-nucleus word. It realizes Grecian order of Japanese accentuations. And then we call the horizontal one as ultima, the odakagata (high-finishing type) as paenultima, and so on.
    There are contrastive sequences of morae-high and low, corresponding to the strained horizontal tone and the suppressed ascending tone in Kyoto dialect, and there are several allotones for these two sequences in some dialects. Ends of these sequences are just the nuclei. Then I postulate two species of the nucleus-high (eccentric or extensive) and low (concentric or intensive), grow as two different types of tonal sequence towards the head of the word.
    Now we have two nuclei, and two are sufficient to explain various systems in all dialects. Practically a grave accent represents high nucleus and a acute one represents low one.
    1) Each accentuation in Kyoto is identified with the specifidation and the orientation of the nucleus.(Turuoka: lacking high series but ultima.)
    2) Tokyo: with the orientation.
    3) Kagosima: with the specification, and there are merely two accentua-tions.(Miyakonozyo: lacking even specification, then only one accentuation.)
    Full size of Japanese accentual system is in Koti, Kyoto, and so on. Perhaps sliding tendency of the nucleus up towards the head of the word has grown absence of the species, and sliding down towards the end has grown absence of the orientation.
    An attempt to explain accentuations of Kyoto in the Middle Ages with the nucleus makes same system as today. Filling up some vacant seats in the system with assumed examples, we can reconstruct older system. And we can also agree to Kindaiti-Okumura's theory, seeing Tokyo-system as a derivative from the Middle Age Kyoto.
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  • [in Japanese]
    1959 Volume 1959 Issue 35 Pages 21-22
    Published: March 31, 1959
    Released on J-STAGE: November 26, 2010
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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  • Masao IRI
    1959 Volume 1959 Issue 35 Pages 23-30
    Published: March 31, 1959
    Released on J-STAGE: December 22, 2010
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    On the basis of the invariant-theoretical principle that
    “every phonemically significant factor extracted from the physical attri-butes of a vowel sound should be a quantity invariant under any transformation which leaves the phonemical value of the vowel invariant”, under the assumption that
    (i) the phonemic features of a vowel are well defined by (F1, F2, F3; I1, I2, I3)(Fi: frequency of the i-th formant, Ii: intensity of the i-th formant),
    (ii) the vowel phonemes are invariant under two transformations A and B:
    A. Filtering through filters with uneven frequency characteristics,
    B. Raising frequencies uniformly (FicFi), it is concluded that
    “the vowel phonemes are characterized by the set of parameters (a, b): a=10 log(F2/3√F1F2F3), b=10 log(F2/3√F1F2F3)”
    and that
    “all other phonemically significant quantities must be functions of a and b.”
    It is also pointed out that the vowel diagram (Fig.1), obtained by plotting the five vowels of Japanese pronounced by eight Japanese subjects as the points on the two-dimensional plane with a's and b's as the abscissae and the ordinates, is identical, in its average character, with the vowel chart (Fig.3) of Prof. S. Hattori and others, and that it is essentially the only vowel chart admissible under the above assumption.
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  • Special reference to the main vowels and the retroflex finals
    Hisao HIRAYAMA
    1959 Volume 1959 Issue 35 Pages 31-51
    Published: March 31, 1959
    Released on J-STAGE: November 26, 2010
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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  • Tamotsu KOIZUMI
    1959 Volume 1959 Issue 35 Pages 86-101
    Published: March 31, 1959
    Released on J-STAGE: November 26, 2010
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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  • [in Japanese]
    1959 Volume 1959 Issue 35 Pages 102-114
    Published: March 31, 1959
    Released on J-STAGE: November 26, 2010
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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  • [in Japanese], [in Japanese], [in Japanese], [in Japanese], [in Japane ...
    1959 Volume 1959 Issue 35 Pages 115-128
    Published: March 31, 1959
    Released on J-STAGE: November 26, 2010
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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  • The Phonetics of Moi-Yan Dialect and ItsPhonemic System
    Mantaro HASHIMOTO
    1959 Volume 1959 Issue 35 Pages 52-85
    Published: March 31, 1959
    Released on J-STAGE: May 23, 2013
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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