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Volume 1997 (1997)
- Issue 112 Pages 1-
- Issue 111 Pages 1-
Volume 1997, Issue 111
Displaying 1-7 of 7 articles from this issue
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Kumiko ICHIHASHI-NAKAYAMA, Jorigine BENDER, Akira Y. YAMAMOTO1997 Volume 1997 Issue 111 Pages 1-17
Published: March 25, 1997
Released on J-STAGE: October 23, 2007
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Honore WATANABE1997 Volume 1997 Issue 111 Pages 18-40
Published: March 25, 1997
Released on J-STAGE: October 23, 2007
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Hitomi ONO1997 Volume 1997 Issue 111 Pages 42-58
Published: March 25, 1997
Released on J-STAGE: October 23, 2007
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Kan SASAKI, Daniela CALUTANU1997 Volume 1997 Issue 111 Pages 59-83
Published: March 25, 1997
Released on J-STAGE: October 23, 2007
JOURNAL FREE ACCESSThe aim of this paper is to provide an account for the distribution of the three adnominal case particles: -no, -nga and -na in the Mitsukaido dialect. As a result of our survey we have reached the conclusion that the distribution of the two particles -nga and -na is semantically determined by two factors, the inherent features of N1 and the semantic relation between N1- N2. Namely, -nga is used when N1 has a high degree of animacy and the relation N1-N2 is in the semantic sphere of possession. It should be noticed that in order to account for the distribution of the particle -nga, animacy should be viewed not as a binary feature but as a scalar value. The particle -na is used when N1 belongs to the category of nouns expressing position, such as: mugo:, me, attsji, kottsji, etc. and the relation between N1-N2 is location-located object. Unlike-nga and -na, the distribution of -no is not subject to any semantic restriction, its unique role being that of formal marker of the adnominal modification relation.
Like -no in Standard Japanese, the forms -no and -nga in the Mitsukaido dialect also appear as nominalizers (juntaijoshi). The distribution of the nominalizers -no and -nga appears to be determined by the categorial features of the preceding material. Namely, -no is used to nominalize verbal elements (verb phrases, adjectival phrases), whilenga appears in contexts where the preceding material is nominal. The form - na does not have nominalizing function.View full abstractDownload PDF (2948K) -
Yoshio SHIMOJI1997 Volume 1997 Issue 111 Pages 84-106
Published: March 25, 1997
Released on J-STAGE: October 23, 2007
JOURNAL FREE ACCESSIn Miyara & Arakawa(1994), the authors claim that a sixth vowel, the high-central /i/, should be added to the traditionally established fivevowel system of the Okinawan dialect of the Ryukyu Islands.They then set up a so-called absolute neutralization rule that converts the underlying /i/ into the phonetic[i].I raised a big question against such an analysis(Shimoji, 1995), arguing that this too abstract /i/ could be dispensed with completely only if we were to draw a clear line of demarcation between synchrony and diachrony.
Miyara(1996)is the answer to mycriticism.In this article, Miyara presents“evidence”to support the abstract /i/ analysis, also citing Chomsky & Halle(1968)and Kenstowicz(1994)for supporting such an analysis.Miyara then claims that the setting up of the underlying /i/ is nothing unusual.The present paper is a throw-back criticism of Miyara (1996) and the re-examination of an abstract approach which adopts an absolute neutralization rule in the description of a language.View full abstractDownload PDF (1102K) -
Shinsho MIYARA1997 Volume 1997 Issue 111 Pages 107-129
Published: March 25, 1997
Released on J-STAGE: October 23, 2007
JOURNAL FREE ACCESSThis is a reply to Shimoji's (1997) criticism of /i/ which has been proposed by Miyara and Arakawa 1994, Miyara 1995a, and Miyara 1996, and supported by Ishihara 1995, in the vowel systems of Okinawa mainisland dialects. The postulation of this phoneme needs a rule changing/i/ into [i], since there is no phonetic realization of [i]. Nevertheless, it brings about a great simplification in the phonological system. The establishment of /i/ makes contributions, first of all, to provide a general account for palatalization, vowel coalescence and vowel simplification; secondly to reduce the overall number of phonemes, including /t_??_/ (or/c/) and /d_??_/ (or /z/) that have been very common in the phonological analyses of Ryukyuan dialects for the past forty years; thirdly to show, in principle, one-to-one correspondences of phonemes between phonological systems of some Japanese dialects; and lastly to simplify the typology of vowel systems of the Ryukyuan dialect group as a 6-vowel system including /i/.View full abstractDownload PDF (1364K) -
Implications for the Transparency Hypothesis[in Japanese]1997 Volume 1997 Issue 111 Pages 130-143
Published: March 25, 1997
Released on J-STAGE: October 23, 2007
JOURNAL FREE ACCESSDownload PDF (912K)
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