GENGO KENKYU (Journal of the Linguistic Society of Japan)

SUMMARY OF THE ARTICLESW RITTEN IN JAPANESE

Naoshiro Tsuji

1949 Volume 1949 Issue 14 Pages 1-21,114
Published: November 25, 1949
Released on J-STAGE: May 23, 2013

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo1939.1949.14_1

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After a brief account of the position in the Upanishadicliterature of the Maitri-up.(ξ1), the author enters upon adetailed discussion of the textual history of the same Upanisad. The proto-text, according to the author, consistedof the parts corresponding to I. 2-IV. 3 (±IV. 1) of Cowell's edition, and it then developed into the shorter or Southern recension with its three subdivisions and the longeror Northern recension represented by Cowell's edition (ξ2).
Taking the latter rec. as the basis of his investigation theauthor next proceeds to the problem, how far the well-knownsaihdhi-peculiarittes of the Maitrayaniya-school were observed by the Maitri Up.(ξ3). Among these school-peculiarities themost important is, of course, the change of the final unaccented-e or-as in-a before an accented vowel, since in thiscase accentuation was a vital element of the phonetic change.After a thorough examination the author arrives at the conclu-. sion that the cases of fallacious application or negligenceof correct application of this saldhi-rule are in a negligibleminority against the opposite cases, and this state of affairsextends even to the later additions (prep. VI and VTI) of thelonger recension. The author surmises that the !iaitri t., asit stands in Cowell's edition was completed when the knowledge of the Vedic accentuation was yet kept alive among the Maintrayenlyas, say ca. 200 B. C.(ξ4).

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PAHIAVI Nuen

G. ITO

1949 Volume 1949 Issue 14 Pages 22-39
Published: November 25, 1949
Released on J-STAGE: November 26, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo1939.1949.14_22

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ERRATA

1949 Volume 1949 Issue 14 Pages 39
Published: 1949
Released on J-STAGE: November 26, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo1939.1949.14_39

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A Propos d'une Table de Correspondances des Phonèmes bälau (palau)

H. Izoui

1949 Volume 1949 Issue 14 Pages 40-48
Published: November 25, 1949
Released on J-STAGE: November 26, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo1939.1949.14_40

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Erratum to : A Propos d'une Table de Correspondances des Phonèmes bälau (palau)

1949 Volume 1949 Issue 14 Pages 48
Published: 1949
Released on J-STAGE: November 26, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo1939.1949.14_48

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ON THE SUFFIX-ri IN SOME TUNGUS AND MONGOLIAN LANGUAGES

Kengo Yamamoto

1949 Volume 1949 Issue 14 Pages 49-62,114
Published: November 25, 1949
Released on J-STAGE: May 23, 2013

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo1939.1949.14_49

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There are a good many words, ended with the suffix-ri, in Manchurian and Mongolian languages. They are nouns derived from verbs. Followings are their examples: Ma.p.50-52; Hong. p.52-56.
We can find this suffix in Evengki language (one' of the nor.-them dialects of tungus language), too. In the latter-ri is used as the termination not only for noun but also for verb.
In Manchurian language, besides, -ri is petrified in a series of nouns: niyengniyeri “spring”, juwari “summer”,, bolori “autumn”, tuweri “winter”, cimari “morning”, dobori “night”. In spite of theabsence of verbal stems, *niyengrirge-, *juwa-, *cima-, *dobo- etc., this theory is supported by the following facts, There are vivid Evengki verbal stems corresponding to the petrified Manchurians (see p.57-58), on the one hand, andthere are some doublets in Manchurian language itself, on the other hand: eimari, cimaha; dobori dulin, dobon dulin nmidnigtu etc.

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ON THE PROBLEM' OF THE VOWE, HARMONY IN OLD JAPANESE'

Shichiro Murayama

1949 Volume 1949 Issue 14 Pages 63-75,115
Published: November 25, 1949
Released on J-STAGE: November 26, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo1939.1949.14_63

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Through his study-of the chinese caracters, by which the. Japanese denoted in the 8th century the Japanese syllables, Prof, Hashimoto found that in the written records, not five as in modern Japanese, but eight vowels were strictly discerned, : a, u, e¹, e² i¹, i², O¹, and O². He assumed i² to have been a diphthong like [li] and Prof. Hattori maintains e² to have been also a diphthong like [ai]. According to Dr. Arisaka O² was a central o-like vowel. And he denotes it with ö. I an of the opinion that there was no diphthong in old Japanese. Roughly speaking e¹, e², i¹ and i² seem to have represented the following vowels.
e¹……æ or ε
e²……e
i¹……i
i²……I
With reference to o2 Dr. Arisaka's opinion may be right. He found that O² (=ö) could not coexist in a word with guttural o′, and that it seldom coexisted with guttural vowels a or u. From the view-point of the palatal-attraction, the vowels of old Japanese can be classified as follows.
I) guttural: a, o (o′), u, or ε(=e′, probably a secondary vowel, which appeared as the result of “Brechung” or crasis.)
II) palatal:ö (o²)
III) completely neutral: i (i¹)
IV) incompletely neutral: e (e²), I (i²)
One word could contain the foolwing vowels.
a) only. I
b) only II
c) I+III or III+I
d) II+-III or III+II
e) I+IV
The combintion IV+I was seldom, that is, e could stand after guttural vowels, but not before them. When we speak about the vowel harmony in old Japanese, we must keep in mind the exclusiveness of ö(o²) on the one hand and the incomplete neutrality of e (e²) on the other. The latter explains why the vowel e of the first syllable of the second component of a compositum had the tendency to be transformed into a. By this transformation (e>a) two components could, through the medium of vowel harmony, become a real compositum.
The labial-attraction could also be observed to some extent. This may be recognized by the fact that, both a and o could stand after o, but after ö stood ö in many cases.

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Erratum to : ON THE PROBLEM' OF THE VOWE, HARMONY IN OLD JAPANESE'

1949 Volume 1949 Issue 14 Pages 75
Published: 1949
Released on J-STAGE: November 26, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo1939.1949.14_75

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Oñin-taikei ni çuite

Niigata Ken no 1 hôgan o rei to site

Shirô Hattori

1949 Volume 1949 Issue 14 Pages 76-108,116
Published: November 25, 1949
Released on J-STAGE: May 23, 2013

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo1939.1949.14_76

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The combintion IV+I was seldom, that is, e could stand after guttural vowels, but not before them. When we speak about the vowel harmony in old Japanese, we must keep in mind the exclusiveness of ö(o²) on the one hand and the incomplete neutrality of e(e²) on the other. The latter explains why the vowel e of the first syllable of the second component of a compositum had the tendency to be transformed into a. By this transformation(e>a) two components could, through the medium of vowel harmony, become a real compositum.
The labial-attraction could also be observed to some extent. This may be recognized by the fact that, both a and ö could stand after ö, but after o stood d in many cases.

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TEISEI

1949 Volume 1949 Issue 14 Pages 108
Published: 1949
Released on J-STAGE: November 26, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo1939.1949.14_108

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[title in Japanese]

1949 Volume 1949 Issue 14 Pages 109-110
Published: November 25, 1949
Released on J-STAGE: December 22, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo1939.1949.14_109

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