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Volume 2002 (2002)
- Issue 122 Pages 1-
- Issue 121 Pages 1-
Volume 2002, Issue 122
Displaying 1-8 of 8 articles from this issue
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Lawrence Scxouxup2002 Volume 2002 Issue 122 Pages 1-43
Published: September 25, 2002
Released on J-STAGE: October 23, 2007
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Ryoichi TSUTSUMI2002 Volume 2002 Issue 122 Pages 45-78
Published: September 25, 2002
Released on J-STAGE: October 23, 2007
JOURNAL FREE ACCESSThe purpose of this paper is to build a model that gives a natural explanation of the distribution of demonstratives in the anaphoric use. Discourse Management Theory (DMT; Takubo and Kinsui (2000) among others) provides a persuasive model for this issue. However, this theory faces some difficulties, especially when dealing with sentences such as those presented in Iori (1997) and Tsutsumi (1998). I argue that this is because the theory is strongly based on the concept of ‘experience, ’ however, these problems are solved when we adopt the model presented in this paper.
We create (at least) two worlds in our mind: one of these is Ws and the other is Wp. Ws is the world in which we refer to things directly (such as proper nouns and things that the speaker believes to exist in the real world (Wo)) while Wp is the world where every element is altered to a variable (x, y). Following Tsutsumi (1998), we assume that Ko/A-series refer to elements in Ws and So-series to those in Wp.This predicts that if an object is registered in both of the worlds, then both Ko (A) /So-series can be used. If it is registered in only Ws or Wp, then only Ko (A) or So can be used respectively. This idea is reminiscent of that of DMT's, however, by abandoning the concept of ‘experience, ’ and introducing the idea of ‘variable’ for the So-series demonstratives, we succeed in explaining a wider range of data than DMT can deal with.View full abstractDownload PDF (2342K) -
Shinsho MIYARA2002 Volume 2002 Issue 122 Pages 79-113
Published: September 25, 2002
Released on J-STAGE: October 23, 2007
JOURNAL FREE ACCESSIn the present investigation, it is claimed that, in the group of dialects spoken in the central and southern parts of the Okinawan mainisland, there is a position of modality signaled by inflectional forms of verbs. The modality involves the notion of certainty, and occupies its own morphological position in the ordering of Verb Root (+ Aspect [durative]) (+Negative) (+Style [{honorific, polite}]) (+Modal) (+Tense)+Mood. Modal distinctions are made by the morpheme /+yi/ ‘to be certain, ’ conveying information about a past, event directly acquired through observation, and the other /+tee/‘to be less certain, ’conveying information about the preceding event inferred from observation at the time of the utterance. In the case of the absence of such distinctions, information about the past is taken to be through hearsay. As expected, the two modal forms neither co-occur with the first person subject in the declarative sentence nor with the second person subject in the interrogative, because neither the speaker nor the hearer can observe his/her own act. It is shown that the modal form /+yi/ neither co-occurs with the non-past tense nor with the negative, because only the past event can be subjectively observed and the negated event itself cannot be observed. However, it is argued that, if the speaker's act is in his/her dream or in the subjunctive world, it can be the object of direct observation.View full abstractDownload PDF (2237K) -
Yoshihiko WATANABE2002 Volume 2002 Issue 122 Pages 115-142
Published: September 25, 2002
Released on J-STAGE: October 23, 2007
JOURNAL FREE ACCESSThe aim of the present paper is to develop an analysis of concealed questions (=CQ) in English, concentrating specifically on their semantic interpretation. Assuming that the most typical CQs are ones that involve an ‘NP+“complement” relative clause (=RC)’ structure such as the italicized part in (i) (the bracketed part is the RC in question), we first discuss some aspects of complement RCs, including those aspects related to their relatives, antecedents, and gaps inside the RCs:
(i) I don't know the kind of man he was ten years agol. In doing so, we specifically argue that the familiar ‘variable’ interpretation available to the gaps inside ordinary restrictive RCs cannot be made available to the cases of the complement RCs involved in CQs ; we argue, instead, that in CQs the gaps in question correspond to N' that denotes ‘generic concept.’ A crucial idea in the present study is the ‘generic concept and its instantiation.’ This idea, together with the ‘definiteness and the attendant existential presupposition, ’ plays a central role in determining the details of the semantic interpretation of complement RCs, and for that matter, that of CQs containing such RCs.
In the final part of the paper, we propose a grammatical process called ‘reanalysis, ’ whereby a relative clause structure (when the noun phrase containing the RC occurs with a predicate such as tell and show) is reanalyzed as an interrogative clause structure at LF ; by introducing the variable ‘X, ’ we claim that it will be possible for the noun phrase containing an RC to be reinterpreted ‘similarly’ to an indirect wh question. We also claim that the existence of the ‘non-information-seeking’ reading of CQs follows from our analysis of RCs.View full abstractDownload PDF (1901K) -
Junji HAMAMATSU2002 Volume 2002 Issue 122 Pages 143-162
Published: September 25, 2002
Released on J-STAGE: October 23, 2007
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Ai KAWAZOE2002 Volume 2002 Issue 122 Pages 163-180
Published: September 25, 2002
Released on J-STAGE: October 23, 2007
JOURNAL FREE ACCESSThis paper adds some support to the claim that in Japanese a floating quantifier (FQ) and its host-NP can form a single constituent (more specifically, can form an NP). The claim itself is found in Kamio (1977, 1983) and Kawashima (1998) among others, but Koizumi (2000) presents an alternative analysis of the crucial example and raises a question on the validity of the argument for this claim. The aim of this paper is to argue that the alternative analysis proposed in Koizumi (2000) is not adequate and that the original claim should still be regarded as tenable.
The key construction is a coordination in terms of -to, which is often assumed to be a conjunction of two constituents of the same kind. This paper describes how the to-coordination involving an FQ is restricted, and points out that there are numerous instances of to-coordination which cannot be accounted for under the analysis proposed in Koizumi (2000). This paper also shows that a sequence made up of an FQ and its host-NP should be clearly distinguished from other sequences containing an FQ. It is shown that the former can be conjoined with an ordinary NP while the latter cannot. I leave open the question why the latter can sometimes be conjoined, but the fact that the former can be conjoined with an ordinary NP indicates that it is an NP, a conclusion which supports the claim in Kamio (1977, 1983) and Kawashima (1998).View full abstractDownload PDF (1095K) -
Taro KAGEYAMA, Hiroyuki URA2002 Volume 2002 Issue 122 Pages 181-199
Published: September 25, 2002
Released on J-STAGE: October 23, 2007
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Yoko IYEIRI2002 Volume 2002 Issue 122 Pages 201-207
Published: September 25, 2002
Released on J-STAGE: October 23, 2007
JOURNAL FREE ACCESSDownload PDF (489K)
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