GENGO KENKYU (Journal of the Linguistic Society of Japan)
Online ISSN : 2185-6710
Print ISSN : 0024-3914
Volume 1980, Issue 78
Displaying 1-13 of 13 articles from this issue
  • Harumi SAWADA
    1980Volume 1980Issue 78 Pages 1-35
    Published: September 30, 1980
    Released on J-STAGE: November 26, 2010
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    There is a set of predicates, i. e.‘epistemic’ predicates in Japanese, which express the speaker's epistemic attitudes toward the propositional content, such as daro, rasii, kamosirenai, etc. In spite of abundant literature on Japanese auxiliaries, the syntactic and semantic structure of ‘epistemic’constructions has been only partially clarified in the history of Japanese grammar. In this paper I am mainly concerned with formulating the derivational process of them in terms of rules such as Subject Raising to Subject Position (SRS hereafter), Predicate Raising (PR hereafter), Restructuring.
    I argue for the following:
    (a) SRS enables us to formulate Japanese ‘epistemic’ constructions as well as English ones in the common framework of syntax, though its existence is denied in Kuno (1976).
    (b)‘Restructuring rules’(in the sense of Akmajian, Steele, and Wasow 1979) are applied in the derivation of ‘formal nouns+epistemic predicates’constructions. For instance, in the case of [[S]-no]NP+[daro]Pred, the formal noun no is ‘restructured’ to the epistemic predicate daro to derive the complex epistemic predicate no-daro.
    (c) The relevant rules are applied in the following order: Restructuring Rules>SRS>PR
    (d) In ‘epistemic’ constructions, formal nouns such as no or koto represent the speaker's proposional attitudes. no refers to the ‘situational’ entity around the speaker and implies that the judgement is based on facts, while koto objectifies the propositional content, and implies that there is a greater psychological distance between the speaker and the content.
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  • From the Viewpoint of Verbal Conjugations
    Hiroshi TAMURA
    1980Volume 1980Issue 78 Pages 36-54
    Published: September 30, 1980
    Released on J-STAGE: November 26, 2010
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    This paper attempts to present an interpretation of the phonological character of morpheme initial consonant clusters in Middle Korean (henceforth MK), dealing especially with clusters beginning with b.
    Noticing that monosyllabic w/e stem verbs have consonant clusters intheir initial position without exception, the author augues rule ordering between ‘stem final vowel (w/e) deletion rule’ and ‘vowel harmony rule’in verbal conjugations. The results of argument are the following:
    1) A syllable containing morpheme initial consonant clusters # CC (C) V is interpreted as #CVC (C) in the phonological representation.
    2) Two different phonological rules, i. e.‘stem vowel (w/e) deletion rule’ and ‘metathesis rule’, are required according to the condition whether suffixes begin with vowels or consonants, in order to generate the phonetic representations.
    In the diachronic aspect of morpheme initial consonant clusters, it has been postulated that #CCV is a result of sound change from #CVCV. Then it is supposed that monosyllabic w/e stem verbs in MK have had restructuring of underlying forms as follows: disyllabic w/e stem (pre-MK)→monosyllabic consonant stem with stem vowel w/e (MK)→ monosyllabic w/a stem (Mod. Kor.). Corresponding to it, phonological rules have changed as follows: a single ‘stem vowel deletion rule’(pre-MK)→co-existence of ‘stem vowel deletion rule’ and ‘metathesis rule’(MK)→complete rule loss (Mod. Kor.). Thus, co-existence of two different rules on the stage of MK shows a transitional character, in other words, a slightly unstable positionin the synchrony of MK.
    In the end, morpheme initial consonant clusters in MK can be regarded as a case where synchrony and diachrony interact with each other in a dynamic manner.
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  • [in Japanese]
    1980Volume 1980Issue 78 Pages 55-84
    Published: September 30, 1980
    Released on J-STAGE: October 21, 2011
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
  • Kazuhiko YOSHIDA
    1980Volume 1980Issue 78 Pages 85-113
    Published: September 30, 1980
    Released on J-STAGE: December 22, 2010
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    Ever since Streitberg's formulation of the perfectivizing function of the preverb ga-in Gothic many counterclaims have been proposed. But unfortunately they have been discussed in the bed of Procrustes, so the problem with the Gothic ga-remains to be solved. I think the following three things would be necessary in order to clarify the function of this controversial morpheme: first, an analysis of all Gothic ga-compounds and corresponding simplexes on the basis of their counterparts in Greek; second, an explanation of how ga-, which originally meant ‘together’, changed to the marker of perfective aspect; third, a diachronic analysis of the aspectual system in Germanic languages.
    Goth. ga-can be assumed to be cognate with Lat. com- on several phonological and semantic grounds. Since Gothic had no preposition corresponding to Lat. cum which had concrete meaning ‘together’, ga-underwent great changes in its function.
    Extensive juxtapositions of ga-compounds along with corresponding simplexes make it clear that in some cases ga -changes the lexical meaning of the simplex: e. g. gaggan ‘go’ vs. ga-gaggan ‘go together’; jiukan ‘fight’ vs. ga-jiukan ‘conquer’. In the former example ga -preserves its original meaning but in the latter ga -has given perfective meaning to the simplex.
    Apart from its lexical relevance ga -acquired the function of expressing the perfective aspect as a grammatical category, but the function is not so systematic as Streitberg believed. According to my survey, ga -stands as a translation of almost any Greek preverb though other Gothic preverbs rather regularly render specific preverbs of the other language. About 19 per cent of all the ga-compounds are used to translate various Greek compound verbs. This fact shows that ga -almost lost its original meaning, and intensifying function which is very common in Greek preverbs can be ascribed to ga-. The function of intensifying the meaning of the verb was connected with that of perfectivizing the action and then ga -became the marker of perfective aspect. About 80 per cent of ga -compounds (except lexically relevant ga -and intensifying ga-) are used to translate the Greek forms expressing ‘perfective’. But in our text we can find the ga-compounds which correspond to the imperfective forms in Greek and have no special meaning.
    The arguments presented above point to the conclusion that the meaning and the function of Goth. preverb ga -underwent the following change.
    association → intensifier → marker of perfective aspect → meaningless

    change in lexical meaning
    The reason why ga -weakened its perfectivizing function must be sought in the fact that periphrastic forms expressing ‘imperfective’ and ‘perfect’ was found in our Gothic text. That the equivalents of ga -in the subsequent development of the surviving Germanic languages nearly disappeared and periphrastic forms gradually came into productive use is adduced as further confirmation of this view.
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  • John H. Koo
    1980Volume 1980Issue 78 Pages 114-119
    Published: September 30, 1980
    Released on J-STAGE: November 26, 2010
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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  • [in Japanese]
    1980Volume 1980Issue 78 Pages 120-127
    Published: September 30, 1980
    Released on J-STAGE: November 26, 2010
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    Download PDF (264K)
  • [in Japanese]
    1980Volume 1980Issue 78 Pages 127-129
    Published: September 30, 1980
    Released on J-STAGE: November 26, 2010
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    Download PDF (79K)
  • [in Japanese]
    1980Volume 1980Issue 78 Pages 130-131
    Published: September 30, 1980
    Released on J-STAGE: November 26, 2010
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    Download PDF (67K)
  • [in Japanese]
    1980Volume 1980Issue 78 Pages 132-134
    Published: September 30, 1980
    Released on J-STAGE: November 26, 2010
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    Download PDF (85K)
  • [in Japanese]
    1980Volume 1980Issue 78 Pages 134-137
    Published: September 30, 1980
    Released on J-STAGE: November 26, 2010
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
    Download PDF (77K)
  • [in Japanese]
    1980Volume 1980Issue 78 Pages 138-141
    Published: September 30, 1980
    Released on J-STAGE: November 26, 2010
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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  • [in Japanese]
    1980Volume 1980Issue 78 Pages 141-152
    Published: September 30, 1980
    Released on J-STAGE: November 26, 2010
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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  • Yasokichi MOCHIZUKI
    1980Volume 1980Issue 78 Pages 153-155
    Published: September 30, 1980
    Released on J-STAGE: November 26, 2010
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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