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Volume 1996 (1996)
- Issue 110 Pages 1-
- Issue 109 Pages 1-
Volume 1996, Issue 110
Displaying 1-9 of 9 articles from this issue
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Motoyasu NOJIMA1996 Volume 1996 Issue 110 Pages 1-27
Published: December 20, 1996
Released on J-STAGE: October 23, 2007
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Hirofumi HORI1996 Volume 1996 Issue 110 Pages 28-51
Published: December 20, 1996
Released on J-STAGE: October 23, 2007
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Masahiro AOKI1996 Volume 1996 Issue 110 Pages 52-78
Published: December 20, 1996
Released on J-STAGE: October 23, 2007
JOURNAL FREE ACCESSThe subject of intransitive clauses with negated verbs in Russian is marked either by the genitive or nominative, while the object of transitive clauses with negated verbs - either by the genitive or accusative. The purpose of this paper is to discover the factors that determine the case marking on the subject and object, and to clarify the character of case marking pattern in the phenomenon of the genitive of negation.
The analysis of the data shows that there are two main factors which determine the case of the subject in negated intransitive clauses. One is the possibility of the subject's activity in affirmative clauses. The other is the intensity of negation that weakens the possibility of the subject's activity. As for negated transitive clauses there are also two main factors which determine the case of the object. One is the transitivity in affirmative clauses. The other is the intensity of negation that weakens the transitivity.
In regard to the case marking pattern in the phenomenon of the genitive of negation, the analysis shows that it is characterised by four factors: a) semantic content of the intransitive verb, b) semantic content of the NP (s), c) mood of the clause, and d) semantic content of the transitive verb, which affect the case marking.View full abstractDownload PDF (1630K) -
Shinsho MIYARA1996 Volume 1996 Issue 110 Pages 79-119
Published: December 20, 1996
Released on J-STAGE: October 23, 2007
JOURNAL FREE ACCESSIn this paper, a set of three extremely simple wordformation rules, dealing with compounding, prefixation, and suffixation, are proposed and related to Rendaku(R)-voicing in the Shuri dialect, which has been used as the Standard Ryukyuan dialect since the prosperous age of the Ryukyuan Dynasty.It is argued that structures derived by these wordformation rules are effective not only in the account of ambiguous interpretations of some morphologically complex words, but also in the specification of a structural constraint on R-voicing in the case of complex words in the Shuri dialect.In the present analysis, R-voicing is directly applied to word structures derived by the proposed rules:they replace the Right Branch Condition'proposed by Otsu(1980)on R-voicing in Standard Japanese, or the cyclic rule-application of R-voicing presented in Ito&Mester(1986).The proposed analysis renders unnecessary the specification of boundary symbols in the phonological representation.View full abstractDownload PDF (2059K) -
Satoko Tanaka1996 Volume 1996 Issue 110 Pages 120-142
Published: December 20, 1996
Released on J-STAGE: October 23, 2007
JOURNAL FREE ACCESSThis paper presents an analysis of the polysemic structure of the verb‘mire (see)’. The word is used with various meanings. But all of its meanings, including those which seem to be arbitrarily extended, can be proved to be motivated and characterized by the nature of human cognition.
Its meanings are not discrete but in their typical uses they are discernable by semantic features. The fundamental meaning (m.1) of ‘mire’may be expressed in terms of the semantic features: <visual‹ <perception› . This assumption is supported by the fact that it is usually received in this meaning when it lacks the object word i.e. in the default case.
The other meanings can be accounted for based on three principles of derivation which can be said to be psychologically valid: (1) incorporation of interpretive inferences into lexical meaning, (2) metaphor, and (3) metonymy.
principle (1) ...... m.2: <visual‹ <perception› <judgement‹ ; m.3: <judgement› ; m.4: <visual‹ <perception› <judgement‹ <taking measures›
principle (2) ...... m.5: <non-visual‹ <perception› <judgement‹
principle (3) ...... m.6: varying from <experience of a state of affairs› to <occurrence of a state of affairs
The variations of m.6 reflect the degrees of “subjectification”
(Langacker 1990: 316) of the viewer construed by the conceptualizer.View full abstractDownload PDF (1615K) -
Tomohiro MIYAKE1996 Volume 1996 Issue 110 Pages 143-168
Published: December 20, 1996
Released on J-STAGE: October 23, 2007
JOURNAL FREE ACCESSThe aim of this paper is to examine accusative case marking by Japanese movement verbs. In some cases, Source is expressed with a semantically vacuous accusative case, even though in Japanese Source has an embodied form, kara, the inherent case directly corresponding to the semantic role. There are, however, some constraints on accusative marking of Source:
Source cannot be marked with an accusative,
(1) if Goal as well as Source is implied, or
(2) if the action expressed by the verb is not controlled volitionally. These facts can be explained in the following way. First I account for accusative-marked Source in lexical-conceptual structure, positing a process that incorporates the semanteme FROM into the semanteme MOVE. As for generalization (1), this incorporation will be blocked by an intervening semanteme TO. This blocking will result as a consequence if we assume that one of the originally syntactic principles of relativized minimality or economy of derivation is also at work within lexical-conceptual structures. Second, generalization (2) can be explained in terms of unaccusativity in syntax.
In addition, it is also shown that the semantic role of Path, which has no corresponding inherent case in Japanese, is peculiar in that it can be marked with an accusative, even when the syntactic structure contains a verb expressing an action that lacks volitional control, i.e., even when there is no external argument.View full abstractDownload PDF (1542K) -
[in Japanese]1996 Volume 1996 Issue 110 Pages 169-176
Published: December 20, 1996
Released on J-STAGE: October 23, 2007
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Toshiro TSUMAGARI1996 Volume 1996 Issue 110 Pages 177-191
Published: December 20, 1996
Released on J-STAGE: October 23, 2007
JOURNAL FREE ACCESSThe Tungusic family is comprised of ten small languages which are distributed in China and Russia. In each country, they have suffered a steady decrease in population and are more or less facing a danger of extinction. Historically, they have been affected by several prestige languages: Mongolian, Manchu, and of course Chinese and Russian. As an attempt to exemplify some grammatical changes of minority languages under dominant ones, this paper illustrates (1) Mongolian influences on Manchu, (2) Manchu influences on Hejen (a dialect of Nanai), and (3) Chinese or Russian influences on present-day Tungusic.
As a result of such manifold contacts, especially on the Chinese side, the Tungusic languages in China share some grammatical peculiarities which make them rather different from their relatives in Russia. On the Russian side, meanwhile, the impact of the state language has changed the minority languages in peculiar ways. As an example of Russianization, some Tungusic languages have developed relative pronouns and conjunctions with finite clauses. Recent reports often show much reduced stages of minority languages: in some cases it is no more than a kind of hybrid that manages to survive.
After a brief review of Tungusology in Russia and China, the author recognizes the need to interrelate information from both sides of the national borders and emphasizes expected foreign, especially Japanese, contributions.View full abstractDownload PDF (896K) -
[in Japanese]1996 Volume 1996 Issue 110 Pages 192-200
Published: December 20, 1996
Released on J-STAGE: October 23, 2007
JOURNAL FREE ACCESSDownload PDF (578K)
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