GENGO KENKYU (Journal of the Linguistic Society of Japan)
Online ISSN : 2185-6710
Print ISSN : 0024-3914
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Volume 149
Displaying 1-4 of 4 articles from this issue
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Articles
  • Plural Suffixes in Khitan
    Yasunori Takeuchi
    2016Volume 149 Pages 1-17
    Published: March 25, 2016
    Released on J-STAGE: June 22, 2016
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo.149.0_1
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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    The purpose of the research is to identify the conditions under which plural suffixes are used in nouns in the Khitan language. According to our investigation, the distribution of such plural suffixes as -ɲɛr, -d, -s, -dʒ, -ɲ, and -l is closely related to the meaning of the words to which they are attached. This relationship can be captured by an animacy hierarchy. Specifically, -ɲer is used with personal pronouns and kinship terms of high animacy, and -d is used with both animate and inanimate nouns of lower animacy, while -s and -ɲ are used with highly abstract inanimate nouns and adjectives of even lower animacy. We also demonstrate a possible connection between the selection of these suffixes and parts of speech/noun classes in the Khitan language.
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  • Kakari-musubi of wh-questions in Miyako Ryukyuan:Focusing on the Aza-Irabu Dialect
    Tomohide Kinuhata
    2016Volume 149 Pages 19-42
    Published: March 25, 2016
    Released on J-STAGE: June 22, 2016
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo.149.0_19
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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    When a wh-word and the kakari particle marking questions coexist in a single sentence, it is not clear which makes the sentence interrogative. In this paper, I propose that in the Aza-Irabu dialect it is not the wh-word but the kakari particle ga that determines the sentence type. In this dialect, while the distribution of the kakari particle ga agrees with that of the wh-word in the unembedded context, the use of the former is more restricted than that of the latter in embedded questions: ga can only appear in an embedded clause whose answer the speaker or the subject is uncertain of. Given the speaker/subject’s uncertainty as the definition of interrogatives, it is concluded that the kakari particle ga determines the sentence type. There are, however, some speakers of other varieties of Miyakoan who have lost this function of the kakari particle. This means that the decline of kakari-musubi proceeds from the loss of morphological concordance to the loss of the function of determining the sentence type.
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  • The Interaction of Morphosyntactic and Semantic Processing in Japanese Sentence Comprehension: Evidence from Event-Related Brain Potentials
    Masataka Yano, Tsutomu Sakamoto
    2016Volume 149 Pages 43-59
    Published: March 25, 2016
    Released on J-STAGE: June 22, 2016
    DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo.149.0_43
    JOURNAL FREE ACCESS
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    The present study examined event-related brain potential (ERP) responses to apparent Case-assignment violations to explore how morphosyntactic and semantic processing interact with each other during Japanese sentence comprehension. Consistent with previous studies on Case-assignment violation, the present results found that a Case-assignment violation elicited a left anterior negativity (LAN), followed by a posterior P600 compared with its grammatical counterpart. Crucially, the LAN-P600 effects were also elicited by a morphosyntactically well-formed sentence with a thematic implausible argument that may potentially force the sentence processor to perceive an apparent Case-assignment violation. Provided that the LAN effects can be interpreted as a morphosyntactic violation effect, these findings suggest that the morphosyntactic and semantic processing streams operate at least partially in parallel during sentence comprehension and that they begin to interact with one another at approximately 400 ms (at the latest) after encountering a verb.
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