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Volume 1998 (1998)
- Issue 114 Pages 1-
- Issue 113 Pages 1-
Volume 1998, Issue 114
Displaying 1-6 of 6 articles from this issue
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Katsumi MATSUMOTO1998 Volume 1998 Issue 114 Pages 1-35
Published: December 25, 1998
Released on J-STAGE: October 23, 2007
JOURNAL FREE ACCESSTraditionally, the vowel harmony in Eurasia was considered to exist only in the so-called Ural-Altaic languages, as typically manifested in Modern Turkish. It was also regarded as a strong evidence for the genetic relationship of these languages. Recently, however, the vowel harmony has been found in many languages other than Uralic or Altaic, also displaying various types and characters.
This paper aims to elucidate the existence of two major types of vowel harmony in the Eurasian languages, namely the Eurasian inland type and the Pacific coastal type. The former is what has been called Ural-Altaic type, which consists typically of eight vowels divived into masculine and feminine - and additionally neutral - series; phonologically, the harmony is based on the position of tongue-body: back vs. front.
The latter type, on the other hand, is represented by that of Middle Korean, which consists, according to the writer's interpretation of Hwunmin Cyengum Hayryey, of six vowels divided into two series: Yin (i, u, _??_) and Yang (_??_, o, a) ; the phonological basis of harmony is to be regarded as the position of tongue-root, namely, the advanced tongue root (+ATR) producing the Yin vowels and the retracted tongue root (-ATR) realizing the Yang vowels. This type of vowel harmony is also found so far in Gilyak, in Chukchi-Kamchatkan, and further on the Pacific coast of North America, namely, in Penutian languages - particularly in Nez Perce. It may be considered as one of what the writer proposes circum-Pacific areal features.
In addition, the vowel harmony of the Tungus languages proves to belong to this coastal type, so that, the writer suggests, the unity of the Altaic languages based on the their presumed genetic relationship may be quite doubtful.View full abstractDownload PDF (2264K) -
Yo MATSUMOTO1998 Volume 1998 Issue 114 Pages 37-83
Published: December 25, 1998
Released on J-STAGE: October 23, 2007
JOURNAL FREE ACCESSThe combinatory possibies in V-V lexical compounds in Japanese are examined. The previous account of Kageyama (1993), who proposed that members of V-V lexical compounds must match in argument structure type, is shown to embody two problems. One concerns his criteria for distinguishing between unergative and unaccusative verbs, and the other is the existence of counterexamples to his claim (e.g., yomi-tsukareru (read-be.tired) ‘be tired from reading’). An alternative account of the constraints on possible lexical compounding is proposed. It is shown that the combinatory possibilities of lexical compounds are constrained by 1) the principle of subject sharing (Yumoto 1996) and 2) the conditions on the semantic structures of verbs (Matsumoto 1996), both of which are stated at the level of the semantic structure.View full abstractDownload PDF (3217K) -
Based on the distinctive patterns of merger for 2-mora classified wordsAkiko MATSUMORI1998 Volume 1998 Issue 114 Pages 85-114
Published: December 25, 1998
Released on J-STAGE: October 23, 2007
JOURNAL FREE ACCESSWithin the tonal classes in ruibetsu-goi (which is referred to here as “Classified Vocabulary”) developed for the diachronic study of Japanese accent, classes 3, 4, and 5 for two-mora nouns exhibit distinctive patterns of split and merger into two distinct types in Ryukyuan. These two types are called “ita-group” and “iki-group” in this paper. The paper attempts to show that these two groups are distinguished by the vowel length of the first syllables in certain Ryukyuan dialects (e.g. Shuri in mainland Okinawa Island), while they are distinguished by different accentual patterns in some other Ryukyuan dialects (e.g. Tokuwase in Tokunoshima). This paper proposes that such distinction of accentual patterns developed as a result of the transference of the phonological distinctions in Ryukyuan dialects from the vowel length of the first syllable to the accent patterns.
This paper argues that the vowels in the first syllable in “iki-group” nouns were once long, but were subsequently shortened in various Ryukyuan dialects, while their accent patterns retained their former distinctions between "ita-group" and “iki-group”. Thus, being a newly developed accent class in Ryukyuan, formed as a result of the above mentioned process of transference of phonological distinctions, the “iki- group” is a marked category for the two-mora nouns of classes 3, 4, and 5. Thus, the unmarked accentual patterns for classes 4 and 5 are not those of the “iki-group” as most of the previous studies have proposed, but actually “ita-group” patterns. The collorary of this assertion is that, contrary to the traditional analyses that assert that the patterns of tonal mergers in proto-Ryukyuan of 2-mora nouns in the Classified Vocabulary is 12/3/4 5, it is actually 1 2 / 3 4 5/3 4 5, with the newly developed "iki-group" represented by 3 4 5.View full abstractDownload PDF (2184K) -
John ENRICO1998 Volume 1998 Issue 114 Pages 115-126
Published: December 25, 1998
Released on J-STAGE: October 23, 2007
JOURNAL FREE ACCESSDownload PDF (443K) -
Hirofumi HORI1998 Volume 1998 Issue 114 Pages 121-126
Published: December 25, 1998
Released on J-STAGE: October 23, 2007
JOURNAL FREE ACCESSDownload PDF (413K) -
[in Japanese]1998 Volume 1998 Issue 114 Pages 127-141
Published: December 25, 1998
Released on J-STAGE: October 23, 2007
JOURNAL FREE ACCESSDownload PDF (977K)
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