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Volume 1999 (1999)
- Issue 116 Pages 1-
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Volume 1999, Issue 116
Displaying 1-4 of 4 articles from this issue
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Takuzo SATO1999 Volume 1999 Issue 116 Pages 1-21
Published: December 25, 1999
Released on J-STAGE: October 23, 2007
JOURNAL FREE ACCESSJapanese has been described as a“naru-language”which emphasizes intransitive over transitive expressions. But many areas of the semantic range of naru(become)have not been fully investigated. This paper analyzes and provides a full description of one of these.
Although natteiru(having become)literally means a state which has come to exist as a result of change, there are some sentences in Japanese in which it actually describes a simple state. This paper classifies this phenomenon from the viewpoint of the recognition of a perceived state and concludes that the sentences in question explain cause/reason, function, or composition of the perceived state.
The basic meaninig of naru denotes the attainment of some sort of state in the real world. This paper regards the meaning of the sentenses concerned as a metaphorical extention from the real world to mentally constructed world predication.View full abstractDownload PDF (1301K) -
Wataru NAKAMURA1999 Volume 1999 Issue 116 Pages 23-58
Published: December 25, 1999
Released on J-STAGE: October 23, 2007
JOURNAL FREE ACCESSThe aim of this paper is to explain case alternations on causees, illustrated in (1), which correlate with semantic alternations: the dative-marked causee is construed as being more volitional than and less affected than the accusative one:
(1) John-ga Tom-o/ni hasir-ase-ta. John-NOM Tom-ACC/DAT run-CAUS-PAST ‘John made /had Tom run’.
I adopt Role and Reference Grammar [RRG] (Van Valin and LaPolla 1997) as a framework which analyzes causative constructions such as (1). It classifies two-place verbs, depending on whether they have one or two macroroles (actor and undergoer). My proposal is that the complex verb comprising of the causative suffix -ase- and hasir- ‘run’ underspecifies the number of macroroles which it takes. In other words, (1) may take one or two macroroles, depending on its relative transitivity: the more affected the causee is, the more transitive (1) becomes and is more likely to take two macroroles, while the less affected the causee is, the less transitive (1) becomes and is more likely to take only one macrorole (actor). In the latter case, the causee receives non-macrorole status and takes dative case, the default case marker for non-macrorole arguments (Silverstein 1993). This analysis extends with no modification to analogous causative constructions in other languages and simple verb constructions and potential constructions in Japanese which embed transitive verbs.View full abstractDownload PDF (991K) -
Satoko SHIRAI1999 Volume 1999 Issue 116 Pages 59-95
Published: December 25, 1999
Released on J-STAGE: October 23, 2007
JOURNAL FREE ACCESSIn Modern Tibetan (New Common Dialect, which is spoken as a common language among the Tibetan refugees), the head noun of a noun-modifying structure appears in various places. According to Mazaudon (1978), they are classified into three types: head-postposed, head-non-postposed and head-repeated. It is, however, a mere classification based on surface form, and there are some phenomena which cannot be interpreted with this classification.
In this paper, through observation of noun-modification by the nominalized verbal phrase, I propose a new classification-the headinterposed structure vs. the head-extraposed structure. In head-interposed noun phrases, semantical heads are placed inside of modifying phrases, and nominalizers in the end of the nominal phrase become the formal heads. Having the same form as the simple nominalized preposition, the noun phrase of this structure needs a succeeding ‘noun phrase marker.’Head-extraposed noun phrases, on the other hand, have the appositional structure, same as that in which a noun modifies a noun. The modifier of head-extraposition forms a kind of derivative noun, in which the former constituent is a verbal phrase and the latter is a nominalizer.
The structures of noun-modification in Tibetan can be explained consistently by the classification of this paper: it can be applied not only to the noun-modification by a nominalized verbal phrase, but also to those by a noun, an adjective or an adjectival phrase.View full abstractDownload PDF (2205K) -
Chiyuki ITO1999 Volume 1999 Issue 116 Pages 97-143
Published: December 25, 1999
Released on J-STAGE: October 23, 2007
JOURNAL FREE ACCESSThis paper aims to clarify the Sino-Korean accentuation in Middle Korean (MK)
By “Sino-Korean”, two different classes of material are understood. The first consists of the collections of Chinese characters glossed with Korean (in Hangul script), where the accent of each character is indicated by diacritical dots. The second consists of Chinese loanwords found in the texts in Korean (written entirely in Hangul), where the accent of such words is likewise indicated. The material of the first class is necessarily monosyllabic, while that of the second is often disyllabic. And these two classes show varying accentual notation even for the same character. In this paper the first class is called the SinoKorean Single Character, and the second the Sino-Korean Word.
The Chinese characters belonging to the level tone in Ancient Chinese (AC) are marked as the low pitch in MK, and those belonging to the entering tone in AC are marked as the high pitch in MK. On the other hand, those belonging to the rising and departing tones in AC show a split in such a way that most of the characters belonging to the rising and departing tones in AC are marked as the rising pitch in MK (which I call the rising-departing A tone) and the rest of them as the high pitch (which I call the rising-departing B tone). The conditions which determine this split are so far unknown. This paper attempts to show these conditions.
The Sino-Korean Word accentuation is the same as that of the Sino-Korean Single Character in the first syllable of a word, but differs in the second syllable in that the rising- departing A tone has the high pitch instead of the rising pitch. The Sino-Korean Words have various types of exceptions to this general tendency, while the Sino-Korean Single Characters are very regular and have few exceptions.
In closing, two hypotheses are proposed: First, the Sino-Korean accentuation has the same origin as the Sino-Japanese (Kan-on) accentuation; Second, the regular correspondence between the accent of the Kyeongsang-Do dialect in Modern Korean on the one hand and the AC tones on the other suggest that MK and Modern Kyeongsang-Do dialect has the same origin as far as the Sino-Korean loanwords are concerned, namely they diverged after the Sino-Korean loanwords were introduced.View full abstractDownload PDF (2765K)
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