GENGO KENKYU (Journal of the Linguistic Society of Japan)

A Form of the Old Germanic Strong Verbs

in the case of the strong verbs with the formative -ja-

Takeshi TESHIMA

1990 Volume 1990 Issue 97 Pages 1-17
Published: March 25, 1990
Released on J-STAGE: December 22, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo1939.1990.1

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In the Old Germanic languages there are a number of strong verbs which do not belong to those of the normal type. It is a well-known fact that the Old Germanic verbal system consists of the two main groups, that is, the strong and the weak verbal constructions. In principle, the former group is characterized by the vowel gradation (Ablaut) of the verbal stem, whereas most of the latter group are derivatives from the other word classes by means of different derivative suffixes. However in practice there are some exceptions to this rule. Some Old Germanic strong verbs have at once the vowel gradation typical of the strong verbs and the stem-formative element which is characteristic of the weak verbs as well. Some examples of these verbs are *sitjan (sit), *ligjan (lie) and bidjan (bid), and apparently they all have the stem-formative element -ja- in common, which belongs generally to one of the weak verb derivative suffixes. The purpose of the present paper is to throw light upon the original semantic function of this formative and the reason why the formative -ja- has been unextinguished only in these few verbs. Wackernagel explains that the Indo-European language had originally two voices, active and middle, and that in classical Greek the use of the Indo-European middle voice was well preserved. Generally speaking, the middle voice expresses the movement and action which starts from the sentence-subject and goes back again to itself. But this very wide conceptionally orientated explanation does not suffice for the explanation of the particular detailed distinction of the use and function of the middle voice. That is why Wackernagel divides the principal use of the middle voice into five semantic functions. According to his explanation, one of these functions consists in the expression of the special condition that the subject acts only for itself, not for the other. These Old Germanic strong verbs with the formative -ja- are traceable to the means to express the Indo-European middle voice. For example compare the Germanic verbs *sitjan and *ligjan with Greek medium tantum ημαι(I sit) and κεται(I lie).
The functions of the middle voice correspond mainly to those of the dative reflexive pronoun. That is the reason why the above-mentioned exceptional Old Germanic strong verbs with the formative -ja- are often accompanied by a dative reflexive form. This rule can also be applied to some other strong verbs with the formative and to some very common intransitive verbs expressing departure or arrival.
In the course of further historical development the role which was formerly performed by the middle voice has been transmitted to the assignment of the dative reflexive form so much the more, as the middle voice has disappeared gradually from the morphological and functional levels.

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Syntactic properties of Samoan numerals

Toru SHIONOYA

1990 Volume 1990 Issue 97 Pages 18-43
Published: March 25, 1990
Released on J-STAGE: November 26, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo1939.1990.18

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This paper has two aims. The main aim is to present syntactic properties of Samoan numerals. Their use is of two kinds: verbal use and nominal use. In the verbal use, a numeral is preceded by a tense-aspect marker and they form a verb phrase. A verb phrase can be used as a relative clause. In the nominal use, a numeral follows an article (mainly le ‘definite singular’ or se ‘indefinite singular’), and they form a noun phrase. This analysis of Samoan numerals provides a natural explanation of their uses such as compound numerals, age expressions, and counting up things.
The other aim of this paper is to put forward a hypothesis that the particle e was originally a classifier and that, in Samoan, it has been reanalyzed as a tense-aspect marker.

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Quantitative Characteristics and Geographical Distribution Patterns of Standard Japanese Forms

Fumio INOUE

1990 Volume 1990 Issue 97 Pages 44-72
Published: March 25, 1990
Released on J-STAGE: November 26, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo1939.1990.44

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In this paper, a geographical data matrix of dialectal forms which coincide with Standard Japanese forms was processed to ascertain the relation between their geographical distribution patterns and the dates of their appearance in documents. 80 Standard Japanese forms which are found in the “Linguistic Atlas of Japan” were classified by the centuries of their appearance in documents. Total values of usage for each prefecture were calculated. The resulting maps for four historical eras show that the oldest forms show a wide distribution throughout Japan, and that the newer forms show a small distribution area around Tokyo. The Kansai region where the old capital of Kyoto was situated shows less usage of standard forms.
By referring to Tokugawa (1972), it was maintained that the forms had been produced continuously in the Kansai region in pre-modern ages. The forms, however, were not adopted as Standard Japanese, because the center of Japanese culture moved east to Edo (modern Tokyo). Thus a model of lexical diffusion from cultural centers was presented.
Some other statistical characteristics of lexical nature were also examined, using multi-variate analyses. The time of an item's appearance in documents shows a close relation to its frequency of usage. Hayashi's quantificational theory type 3, cluster analysis and factor analysis showed that forms which are frequently used appear early in literature, and that forms which are rarely used appear later. The logical relation of historical changes in vocabulary was also discussed.

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Constant Polarity Tag Sentences

Akiko INAKI

1990 Volume 1990 Issue 97 Pages 73-94
Published: March 25, 1990
Released on J-STAGE: November 26, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo1939.1990.73

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This paper aims to clarify some characteristics of Cp (constant polarity) tag sentences compared with Rp (reversed polarity) ones, in relation both to preceding utterances and following responses. Cp tag sentences are classified into two types in terms of what the RC (reference clause, on which a tag question is formed) states.
In A type, the speaker of a Cp tag sentence echoes the whole or some part of the preceding utterance in the RC to which a Cp tag is added. He expresses his opinion of this preceding utterance and asks for the hearer's confirmation. Thus the RC is said to be explicitly stated in the preceding utterance. In B type, the speaker interprets the preceding utterance and also the preceding speaker's behavior, and anticipates his next utterance. The RC is the supposed part of the hearer's utterance, not the repetition of the explicit statement in the preceding utterance as in A. This B type is also used when the speaker is describing the situation or the event involving both the speaker and the hearer, by bringing the hearer to commit himself on it. In this case, the RC is the supposed appropriate description of the situation.
RCs of both A and B types are expressions of the metalanguage, used for describing other words-words in the preceding utterance, the supposed part of the hearer's next utterance or the supposed description of the situation.
Cp tag sentences are used basically for stating the speaker's reflection of the RC and asking for the hearer's confirmation, and also denoting the speaker's strong feeling that he hopes that the hearer admits ‘not RC.’

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Government in Phonology

Shohei YOSHIDA

1990 Volume 1990 Issue 97 Pages 95-123
Published: March 25, 1990
Released on J-STAGE: November 26, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo1939.1990.95

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The purpose of this paper is two-fold. First, I will discuss how the possible configurations of syllable constituents are made up, and how these constituents are stitched together to form possible words. Second, I will discuss certain aspects of Japanese phonology in an attempt to show that various phonological events may be successfully explained on the basis of ‘principles and parameters’. This paper is couched in the framework of the government phonology, which has no rule component but sees government as the motor which drives phonological phenomena.

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Reconsideration of Li and Thompson's (1976)

Typological Theory of Language Change from the History of English

Kiyoshi TAKAHASHI

1990 Volume 1990 Issue 97 Pages 124-153
Published: March 25, 1990
Released on J-STAGE: May 23, 2013

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo1939.1990.124

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Li and Thompson (1976) classified languages in the world into four types:[+Subject-prominent (+Sp), -Topic-prominent (-Tp)], [-Sp, +Tp], [+Sp, +Tp], and [-Sp, -Tp] languages. And they presented a theory of circular language change as follows:[-Sp, +Tp]>[-Sp, -Tp]>[+ Sp, -Tp]>[+Sp, +Tp]>[-Sp, +Tp]>…If, then, this theory of language change were correct, it would predict that English had passed through the [-Sp, -Tp] stage, since Proto-Indo-European was a [-Sp, +Tp] language and ModE is a typical [+Sp, -Tp] language. One can indeed admit that the process from OE to ModE was the change from the [-Sp, +Tp] stage to the [+Sp, -Tp] stage in which topicprominence decreased and subject-prominence increased gradually. But it is quite doubtful whether English has passed through the stage [-Sp, -Tp]. In this paper, by clarifying the characteristics of the four types of languages and comparing them with those of OE, I will show that English has not passed through the stage [-Sp, -Tp] as their theory predicts, but it has passed through the [+Sp, +Tp] stage.

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[title in Japanese]

[in Japanese]

1990 Volume 1990 Issue 97 Pages 154-162
Published: March 25, 1990
Released on J-STAGE: May 23, 2013

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo1939.1990.154

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[title in Japanese]

[in Japanese]

1990 Volume 1990 Issue 97 Pages 163-168
Published: March 25, 1990
Released on J-STAGE: May 23, 2013

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo1939.1990.163

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Where does the Japanese Sentence Pattern “Boku -wa Unagi-da” come from ?

[in Japanese], Kiyoharu ONO

1990 Volume 1990 Issue 97 Pages 169-170
Published: March 25, 1990
Released on J-STAGE: November 26, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo1939.1990.169

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In this paper we have attempted to identify the source sentence ofwhat is called the unagi-bun. After a brief description of typical unagibunsentences, we have examined six hypotheses on the source of theunagi-bun. They are the no-da, copula, response, cleft sentence, propredicationand ellipsis hypotheses.
We have refuted the no-da hypothesis from the semantic point ofview; copula and cleft sentence hypotheses because of their requirementof two variables in the sentence; response hypothesis because of itsrequirement of a question as a precondition for the existence of theunagi-bun; and propredication hypothesis in terms of the boundness ofthe sentencehood marker da, its emptiness in meaning and its identicalbehaviour in optionality between the unagi-bun and ordinary da-patternsentences.
We have then confirmed Kuno's ellipsis hypothesis based on thesyntactic asymmetry of su-ru ‘do’ and da in substituting for active andstative predicates. Finally, we have argued for optionality of da-attachment and proposed this rule as a global convention.

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[title in Japanese]

[in Japanese]

1990 Volume 1990 Issue 97 Pages 171-172
Published: March 25, 1990
Released on J-STAGE: November 26, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo1939.1990.171

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[title in Japanese]

[in Japanese], [in Japanese], [in Japanese]

1990 Volume 1990 Issue 97 Pages 172-174
Published: March 25, 1990
Released on J-STAGE: November 26, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo1939.1990.172

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[title in Japanese]

[in Japanese]

1990 Volume 1990 Issue 97 Pages 175-176
Published: March 25, 1990
Released on J-STAGE: November 26, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo1939.1990.175

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[title in Japanese]

[in Japanese]

1990 Volume 1990 Issue 97 Pages 176-177
Published: March 25, 1990
Released on J-STAGE: November 26, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo1939.1990.176

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[title in Japanese]

[in Japanese]

1990 Volume 1990 Issue 97 Pages 177-178
Published: March 25, 1990
Released on J-STAGE: November 26, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo1939.1990.177

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[title in Japanese]

[in Japanese]

1990 Volume 1990 Issue 97 Pages 178-179
Published: March 25, 1990
Released on J-STAGE: November 26, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo1939.1990.178

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[title in Japanese]

[in Japanese]

1990 Volume 1990 Issue 97 Pages 179-180
Published: March 25, 1990
Released on J-STAGE: November 26, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo1939.1990.179

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Towards a Theory of Control and PRO

[in Japanese], [in Japanese]

1990 Volume 1990 Issue 97 Pages 180-181
Published: March 25, 1990
Released on J-STAGE: November 26, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo1939.1990.180

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[title in Japanese]

[in Japanese]

1990 Volume 1990 Issue 97 Pages 182-183
Published: March 25, 1990
Released on J-STAGE: November 26, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo1939.1990.182

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[title in Japanese]

[in Japanese]

1990 Volume 1990 Issue 97 Pages 183-184
Published: March 25, 1990
Released on J-STAGE: November 26, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo1939.1990.183

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[title in Japanese]

[in Japanese]

1990 Volume 1990 Issue 97 Pages 184-185
Published: March 25, 1990
Released on J-STAGE: November 26, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo1939.1990.184

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[title in Japanese]

[in Japanese]

1990 Volume 1990 Issue 97 Pages 185-186
Published: March 25, 1990
Released on J-STAGE: November 26, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo1939.1990.185

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REEXAMINATION OF BACK CHANNEL SIGNALS

Reiko HAYASHI, Takuo HAYASHI, [in Japanese], [in Japanese]

1990 Volume 1990 Issue 97 Pages 186-189
Published: March 25, 1990
Released on J-STAGE: November 26, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo1939.1990.186

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[title in Japanese]

[in Japanese], [in Japanese]

1990 Volume 1990 Issue 97 Pages 189-191
Published: March 25, 1990
Released on J-STAGE: November 26, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo1939.1990.189

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[title in Japanese]

[in Japanese]

1990 Volume 1990 Issue 97 Pages 192
Published: March 25, 1990
Released on J-STAGE: November 26, 2010

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo1939.1990.192

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