言語研究

言語史の再建と言語普遍

松本克己

1984 年 1984 巻 86 号 p. 5-32
発行日: 1984/12/01
公開日: 2010/12/22

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo1939.1984.86_5

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This is a revised version of the lecture delivered at the 88th General Meeting of the Linguistic Society of Japan. The paper deals with theproblem of linguistic reconstruction from the standpoint of linguistictypology and language universals, taking up two examples in the fieldof phonology, namely, the stop system of Proto-Indo-European and thevowel system of Old Japanese.
As to the PIE stop system, the distributional and hierarchical relationsamong the phonemes in question cannot be adequately accounted for by their traditional interpretation as voiceless (Tenues), voiced (Mediae) and voiced aspirate (Mediae Aspiratae) respectively. Thus the writerconcludes, in agreement with the recent “Glottalic Theory”, that the traditional Mediae must be re-interpreted as glottalized or ejective stopsand the traditional Mediae Aspiratae as usual voiced stops.
As to the Old Japanese vowel system, the writer examines the reconstructionsand interpretations recently proposed by various scholars concernningthe so-called Mannyoo-Gana system and concludes that theproblem of i₁/i₂f and e₁/e₂ cannot be fully solved without consideringthe phenomenon as a entire diachronic process, which seems to have begunwith the vocalic distinction accompanied by the non-distinctive consonantaldifference (i. e. palatalized/nonpalatalized) of the syllablesin question and to have ended in their complete merger, while the graphemicdistinction of o₁/o₂ is not to be interpreted as phonemic oppositionconnected with vowel harmony, such as /o/ and /ö/, but rather asallophonic variation reflected on the foreign writing system. The vowelsystem of Pre-or Proto-Japanese is to be reconstructed, in the writer'sopinion, as the four vowel system with /a/ in medial position whichshifted later to /o/ as a result of the appearance of the new vowel /e/from *a-i and *i-a. And the vowel system of the 8th C., which seemsto have been in quite a transitional and fluid state, can be reconstructedas the five or six (if Ci₂ is interpreted as /Ci/) vowel system.

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官話方言声調調値の系統分類

河北省方言を例として

平山久雄

1984 年 1984 巻 86 号 p. 33-53
発行日: 1984/12/01
公開日: 2010/11/26

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo1939.1984.86_33

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There is no common understanding among scholars about the way how the pitch values of tones in Chinese may change in the course of time. The author states his view about this problem and proposes a theory that the pitch value of a toneme is likely to change along a circular current which starts from a high-level tone and, through falling tone, low-level or low depressed tone and mid-level or rising tone, recurs back to the high-level tone. Applying this theory, he reconstructs “the tone values (preliminalily assumed) of the Proto-Mandarin” and proposes a method of classifying Mandarin dialects into genealogical types according to the manner and degree of changes which the tone values of a dialect are assumed to have suffered from the Proto-Mandarin stage on. He applies this method of classification to the Mandarin dialects of the Hebei province, the result being shown in the Map. Finally, surveying the distribution of the tonal types over the Central Plains, a symmetrical feature is pointed out that the tone value stages become gradually older both southwards and northwards from the lower reaches of the Yellow River.

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満洲語の口蓋化音/š/と [š] と

清瀬義三郎

1984 年 1984 巻 86 号 p. 54-68
発行日: 1984/12/01
公開日: 2010/12/22

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo1939.1984.86_54

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In spoken Manchu, i. e. the Sibo dialect in the Ili valley, west of Dzungaria, the consonant s is always palatalized as [š] before the highvowel i, wherever it may occur. Also, the consonant that was transcribedby the Manchu letter normally representing s was Romanized by some Western scholars in the XVIIth through XIXth centuries as š, s, sh, etc., which presumably indicated [š], when followed immediately by i. Althoughsome other scholars in that period used the Latin alphabet s (or Cyrillic alphabet c) for the same consonant in the same environment, their Romanization was surely not a phonetic transcription but rather atransliteration of the Manchu script into the Latin (or Cyrillic) alphabet.
Since the transcription of phonemes of a language in its native scriptusually reflects the speakers' concept of the phonemic level, and not ofthe phonetic level, the syllable transcribed with the Manchu letters sand i denotes /si/. Thus, it is certain that /s/ in /si/ in literary Manchurepresented [š], both initially and intervocalically as an environmentalvariant of /s/. In fact, judging from an investigation of the Chinesetranscription of Jurchen words appearing in the Sino-Jurchen glossaryproduced in the XVth century, the syllable /si/ in Manchu words correspondsto *ši in any position in the cognate words in Jurchen, a pre-Manchulanguage. The Jurchen syllable *si is found only in Chinese loansderived from Chinese si.
On the other hand, Manchu had a consonant that was transcribed bythe Manchu letter normally representing š. This consonant, i.e./š/, however, always preceded the vowels other than i since [ši] was regarded as/si/ then, as a result of a sound change, *ši>si, which had taken placebefore the appearance of the Jurchen language. The syllable /ši/, so transcribedin Manchu script, appears only in Chinese loans of which theoriginal sound was si with a retroflex in its syllable initial.
To sum up, in literary Manchu the sound value of /s/ preceding vowelsother than i was [š], but when preceding i it was [š]. On the otherhand, the sound value of /š/ was [š] before vowels other than i, but [š], a loan pronunciation, when preceding i.
Thus, it can be said that conclusions on Altaic or Tunguz comparativelinguistics such as in Nikolaus Poppe's and Johannes Benzing's, which were reached by regarding the Manchu /si/ as [si], and not as [ši], have to be revised.

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真鍋式アクセントについて

名詞を中心に

中井幸比古

1984 年 1984 巻 86 号 p. 69-104
発行日: 1984/12/01
公開日: 2010/11/26

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo1939.1984.86_69

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According to the author's linguistic survey, the Manabe-type accent, where only type 1 and type 5 among five accentual types of two-mora nouns coalesced, is found in the dialects of the following five islands in the Bisan Straits of the Seto Inland Sea: Manabe-shima, Sanagi-shima, Iwaguro-jima, Hiro-shima, and Shishi-jima. In this paper the author presents data and gives a phonological interpretation of this type of accent.

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アイヌ語の名詞句の構造と合成名詞

切替英雄

1984 年 1984 巻 86 号 p. 105-121
発行日: 1984/12/01
公開日: 2010/12/22

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo1939.1984.86_105

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This paper aims to describe the structure of compound nouns of Ainu. The author presents the major types of the compound nouns and discusses their structures, particularly “pseudo-modification structure” which is peculiar to compound nouns.
In this language verbs can modify nouns attributively and form noun phrases of “modification structure”, which retain the syntactic relationships of corresponding sentence structures. The pseudo-modification structure has a superficial resemblance to the modification structure, however differs essentially in that the former structure does not retain the syntactic relationships of the sentence structure. The modifying element of the pseudo-modification structure, which is either an intransitive verb or an object+transitive verb, is regarded as nominalized, so this structure is assigned to noun+noun construction which is in turn a type of compound nouns.

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「-てある」構文の文法

その概念領域をめぐって

益岡隆志

1984 年 1984 巻 86 号 p. 122-138
発行日: 1984/12/01
公開日: 2010/11/26

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo1939.1984.86_122

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The-te aru construction has been analyzed to date as the expression of the ‘resultative aspect, ’ the description of a state resulting from some previous volitional action_However, it still remains to be seen (i) what is the whole picture of a wide variety of meanings carried by that con construction, which is here referred to as the ‘conceptual domain’ of the construction, and (ii) whether that domain is rationally structured. The purpose of the present paper, then, is to provide a satisfactory answer to these problems.
With this goal in view, the -te aru constructions will first be classified into two types from the syntactic viewpoint, namely, the ‘Atypetype’ and ‘B type’ constructions. On the basis of this classification the and ‘B type’ constructions. On the basis of this classification the semantic characteristics of the constructions will be elucidated, whereby it will be shown that the conceptual domain is composed of a continuum extending from the domain of a very concrete resultative aspect to that of a highly abstract resultative aspect. Thus, the structure of the domain in question is shown to be adequately rational, having a systematic, internal unity. The fact is noteworthy that a coherent unity is found in the seeming heterogeneity of the meanings conveyed by the -te aru construction, thus indicating that there is a strong form-meaning correlation with this particular construction.

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統率の方向性とECP

福地肇

1984 年 1984 巻 86 号 p. 139-160
発行日: 1984/12/01
公開日: 2010/11/26

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo1939.1984.86_139

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Within the current theory of transformational-generative grammar, one of the most important topics is the treatment of empty categories. Grammarians are making attempts to characterize the occurrence of empty categories in terms of the ECP under the assumption that traces must be governed while PROs must not be governed.
Concerning the properties of governors, however, there seems to be a curious confusion of ideas of subcategorization and of a semantic relation (binding): it is taken for granted that X° elements of major categories and those elements which are co-indexed with traces have the same function of governing. Such candidates for governors are, needless to say, quite heterogeneous. Actually, the government by co-indexed elements is restricted to the cases of the so-called that-trace phenomena, an indication that the property of binding can and should be precluded from the notion of government. I propose to modify the idea of government by confining governors to X° categories. In so doing, the ECP can be stated as requiring that empty categories be governed unidirectionally. The evidence for this revised ECP can be provided from a variety of phenomena of subjectnonsubject asymmetry.

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書評・紹介　内間直仁著　『琉球方言文法の研究』

中本正智

1984 年 1984 巻 86 号 p. 161-170
発行日: 1984/12/01
公開日: 2013/05/23

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo1939.1984.86_161

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書評・紹介　風間喜代三著　『印欧語の親族名称の研究』

田中利光

1984 年 1984 巻 86 号 p. 171-179
発行日: 1984/12/01
公開日: 2013/05/23

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo1939.1984.86_171

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頻度と不規則性

スペイン語動詞の場合

塩田洋子

1984 年 1984 巻 86 号 p. 180-181
発行日: 1984/12/01
公開日: 2010/11/26

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo1939.1984.86_180

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日本語の受動構文

井口厚夫

1984 年 1984 巻 86 号 p. 182
発行日: 1984/12/01
公開日: 2010/11/26

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo1939.1984.86_182

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オランダ語の使役構文と与格構文

川村三喜男

1984 年 1984 巻 86 号 p. 183-184
発行日: 1984/12/01
公開日: 2010/11/26

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo1939.1984.86_183

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基語命令表現からみたインドネシア語の一項・二項述語文

吉村近男

1984 年 1984 巻 86 号 p. 184-185
発行日: 1984/12/01
公開日: 2010/11/26

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo1939.1984.86_184

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Quantification and Negation

北元美沙子

1984 年 1984 巻 86 号 p. 185-186
発行日: 1984/12/01
公開日: 2010/11/26

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo1939.1984.86_185

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英語における副詞的従属節

安井美代子

1984 年 1984 巻 86 号 p. 187-188
発行日: 1984/12/01
公開日: 2010/11/26

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo1939.1984.86_187

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能動受動構文に関する一考察

熊谷滋子

1984 年 1984 巻 86 号 p. 188-189
発行日: 1984/12/01
公開日: 2010/11/26

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo1939.1984.86_188

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「に」格の「作為性」

那須理香

1984 年 1984 巻 86 号 p. 189-190
発行日: 1984/12/01
公開日: 2010/11/26

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo1939.1984.86_189

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否定文の意味解釈について

加藤泰彦

1984 年 1984 巻 86 号 p. 190-192
発行日: 1984/12/01
公開日: 2010/11/26

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo1939.1984.86_190

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Proto-Kherwarianの母音体系

長田俊樹

1984 年 1984 巻 86 号 p. 192-193
発行日: 1984/12/01
公開日: 2010/11/26

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo1939.1984.86_192

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[軟子音] ～ [j] ～ [i] の交替現象について

田端敏幸

1984 年 1984 巻 86 号 p. 193-195
発行日: 1984/12/01
公開日: 2010/11/26

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo1939.1984.86_193

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Interaction of Affixation and Syntax in Japanese

岩本遠億

1984 年 1984 巻 86 号 p. 196
発行日: 1984/12/01
公開日: 2010/11/26

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo1939.1984.86_196

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日英語助動詞のパーティクル化

沢田治美

1984 年 1984 巻 86 号 p. 197-198
発行日: 1984/12/01
公開日: 2010/11/26

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo1939.1984.86_197

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助詞をとらない埋めこみ疑問文

山本和之

1984 年 1984 巻 86 号 p. 198-199
発行日: 1984/12/01
公開日: 2010/11/26

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo1939.1984.86_198

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正誤表

1984 年 1984 巻 86 号 p. 212a
発行日: 1984年
公開日: 2010/11/26

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo1939.1984.86_212a

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正誤表

1984 年 1984 巻 86 号 p. 212b
発行日: 1984年
公開日: 2010/11/26

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.11435/gengo1939.1984.86_212b

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