印度學佛教學研究
Online ISSN : 1884-0051
Print ISSN : 0019-4344
ISSN-L : 0019-4344
54 巻 , 2 号
選択された号の論文の101件中1~50を表示しています
  • 木村 俊彦
    2006 年 54 巻 2 号 p. 553-563,1290
    発行日: 2006/03/20
    公開日: 2010/07/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    The anonymous text, Upayahrdaya, has not been evaluated correctly in the field of Indian logic. We fixed its historical position between the Hetuvidya of Maitreya and the Nyayasutra of Gautama. The author of the Upayahrdaya was affected by the thought of the Sautrantika school. But his logic consisted of the three sorts of reason; purvavat, sesavat and samanyato drstam. They were used at first by him and enlarged over heretical logic, including Nyaya.
    The three sorts of reason might have occurred in the proto-Nyayasutra which was criticized by Nagarjuna and Aryadeva, but the text no longer exists. Anyway, it is sure that they originated in the Carakasamhita, because Caraka related the three sorts of reason, i. e., inference of past thing from present reason, inference of future thing from present reason and inference of present thing from present reason.
    The author of the Upayahrdaya shows his affinity to Sautrantika philosophy in such things as provisional cognition of substantial elements, earth, etc. Generally he argues for complete tranquility, non-egoism, non-eternality and so on. Maitreya also composed dialetics and logic from the standpoint of the Sautrantikas in his Yogacarabhumi. But this position is on the way from primary speculation to complete tranquilty, that is, the learning stage (srutamayi bhumih). But our author does not show affinity to Mahayana Buddhism.
    This text was translated into Chinese 472 A. D. as Fangbianxin lun 方便心論 (Taishô no. 1632), and the Sanskrit original as well as Tibetan version are not extant. But its abundant dialectics fascinate us, researchers of Indian logic.
  • 立川 武蔵
    2006 年 54 巻 2 号 p. 564-571,1291
    発行日: 2006/03/20
    公開日: 2010/07/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    The term “abhidharma” has been used at least in two meanings: (a) [Discourse] about dharma (truth) and (b) Dharma (truth or teaching) about [nirvana, etc.]. The original meaning of the term seems to have been the former (a), and one may say that the second meaning (b) was added later in the history of Abhidharma Buddhism. Vasubandhu in his Abhidharmakosabhasya states that abhidharma is of two kinds: the ultimate and the conventional. The author of the work defines the ultimate abhidharma in terms of the second meaning (b) of abhidharma.
    Commenting on the definition of the ultimate abhidharma given in the Abhidharmakosasastra (1, 2a) Vasubandhu states: anasravah pañcaskandhako 'bhidharma ity (Abhidharma is free from asrava (mental defilements) and is accompanied by five skandhas (constituent elements)). Xuanzang has translated the passage in the following sense: The five skandhas that are free from asravas are called abhidharma. The Peking edition of the Tibetan translation of the passage (Tibetan Tripitaka, Suzuki Foundation, Vol. 115, p. 127, f. 4, 11. 3-4) has the same meaning as Xuanzang's translation. The expression “pañcaskandhaka,” however, does not mean five skandhas, but rather that which is accompanied by five skandhas.
  • 興津 香織
    2006 年 54 巻 2 号 p. 572-575,1292
    発行日: 2006/03/20
    公開日: 2010/07/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    The *Suvarnasaptatisastra, which is an important treatise of Samkhya philosophy, survives only in the Chinese translation done by Paramartha 眞諦 sometime between 548 and 569. Commentarial tradition begins with the citations from it found in the Chengweishi ulun shuji 成唯識論述記, written in Tang China, and continues with a real exegetical boom in 18th century Japan. Although the Japanese exegetes refer to the same passage cited in the Chengweishi/un shuji, they express different opinions concerning the *Suvarnasaptatisastra. I analyse the interpretations of this passage in the Kin shichiju ron biko 金七十論備考 by Gyo'o Gonzo 曉應嚴藏 (1724-1785), the Kin shichiju ron sho 金七十論疏 by Chido Hoju 智幢法住 (1723-1800), the Kin shichiju ron ge 金七十論解 by Shuro 宗朗 (?-1788), and the Kin shichiju ron so kyo 金七十論藻鏡 by Rinjo Kaido 林常快道 (1751-1810) and focus mainly upon their understanding of the relation between the prose parks of the *Suvarnasaptatisastra and Vasubandhu.
  • 芳村 博実
    2006 年 54 巻 2 号 p. 576-582,1292
    発行日: 2006/03/20
    公開日: 2010/03/09
    ジャーナル フリー
    The Vijñaptimatra theory varies in its expression. The Mahayanasutralamkara contains these expressions with different key words showing a variety of different traditions. One of them is quoted by the Mahayanasamgraha by which the author established a new vijnaptimatra theory to unite the three natures (trisvabhava) theory and the theory of intellectual entrance to the non-characteristic (asal-laksana pravesa) into one system. Through this research, it is clear that the Mahayanasamgraha was composed later than the Mahayanasutralamkara-bhasya.
  • 佐々木 大悟
    2006 年 54 巻 2 号 p. 583-587,1293
    発行日: 2006/03/20
    公開日: 2010/03/09
    ジャーナル フリー
    In the Da Amituo jing, there are two types of practitioners. One follows the path of the arhat (sravaka), and the other is the path of the bodhisattva. These two are written about at several parts of this sutra, and the arhat is not described as an inferior being. This is unusual among Mahayana sutras.
    The parinirvana of the arhat (T. 12, pp. 307-308) and the rebirth of the bodhisattva in the Pure Land (T. 12, pp. 309-311) are explained separately at different places in the sutra. There seems to be no relation between these two parts. However, both parts are presented in response to Ajita's question. And, taking into consideration the unique stance of the Da Amituo jing in which the arhat and bodhisattva are often spoken of as a pair, I think these two parts are closely related.
  • 岡本 一平
    2006 年 54 巻 2 号 p. 588-593,1293
    発行日: 2006/03/20
    公開日: 2010/03/09
    ジャーナル フリー
    The main aim of this report is to elucidate Jingyingsi Huiyuan's (浄影寺慧遠) theory about the essence of the Buddha's teaching, with a focus on the Dacheng yizhang (大乗義章) “San Zang Yi (三蔵義)” chapter.
    Huiyuan considered the essence of the Buddha's teaching to be sabdaayatana and rupa-dharma, not nama-pada-vyañjana-kaya. Therefore, Huiyuan never recognized viprayuktasamskara as dravya.
    In the history of Buddhist philosophy in China, Huiyuan's theory is interesting. His theory approaches the Sarvastivadin's doctrine which most Chinese Buddhists considered elementary and superceded by Mahayana ideas.
    I appreciate that Huiyuan, as a Mahayana Buddhist, valued the Sarvastivadin doctrine.
  • 鈴木 あゆみ
    2006 年 54 巻 2 号 p. 594-597,1294
    発行日: 2006/03/20
    公開日: 2010/07/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    This study, focused on the Fayuan zhulin, is a part of a study to clarify the characteristics of Chinese Buddhism. In it I clarify how the Fayuan zhulin systematized the presentation of the idea of rebirth in the six realms. Then I consider how the rebirth theory was received and transformed in China.
    The six realms idea was originally a generalized world-system based on the Sumeru model and was part of a karma-driven cycle. But in China, the six realms were regarded as a problem of soul rather than a porblem of karma. The subject of samsara changed from karma to a soul and a soul possesses the same figure and consciousness as individuals possess during their lifetime. Therefore the six realms are not isolated from this world, and a transmigrating soul continues having a relation with living beings.
    The outlook on the six realms idea in Chinese Buddhism shows us the transformation from Indian cosmology into the Chinese view that a soul transmigrates and forms the world after death.
  • 早川 貴司
    2006 年 54 巻 2 号 p. 598-601,1294
    発行日: 2006/03/20
    公開日: 2010/07/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    I Introduction
    The Lotus sutra Chapter II (Upaya-kausalya) is a very famous chapter in the history of the Lotus sutra. I would like to examine the Bodhisattvas in Lotus sutra and their ascetic practices mentioned in Chapter II undertaken on the way to becoming Buddha.
    II Bodhisattva of the Lotus sutra
    The relationship between the bodhisattva of the Lotus sutra and the sravaka and arhat in Dharmaraksa's translation of the Lotus sutra is not clear. Kumarajiva clearly described the process of sravaka becoming a bodhisattva, when he made his Chinese translation.
    III Ascetic practices involved in becoming Buddha in Chapter II of the Lotus sutra
    There is an explanation about severe ascetic practices, viz, to transcribe the sutra, to become a priest, to study dharma, not to ridicule and tell a lie in Chapter II of Dharmaraksa's translation of the Lotus sutra. In Kumarajiva's translation, there is an explanation that we can become Buddha even if such a state is only attained after doing good deeds.
    IV Conclusion
    When Kumarajiva translated the Lotus sutra into Chinese, he referred to Dharmaraksa's translation and Kumarajiva clarified the contents. As a result, Kumarajiva's translation influenced the history of the thought of Chinese Buddhism.
  • 小谷 知弘
    2006 年 54 巻 2 号 p. 602-605,1295
    発行日: 2006/03/20
    公開日: 2010/07/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    The Nanshan school was founded by Daoxuan (道宣) (596-667) of the Tang Dynasty. One of the doctrinal features of Daoxuan is the “essence of discipline” theory. Before Daoxuan, there were two currents, the avijñapti-rupa theory and the avijñapti-citta-viprayukta theory. On the other hand, Daoxuan explained in the Sifenlu shanbu suiji jiemo shu (四分律刪補随機羯磨疏) that the essence of discipline bija is kept in the alaya-vijñana. This theory is based on the Mahayanasamgraha (摂大乗論) translated by Paramartha (499-569). The reason why Daoxuan discussed this theory was that Vinaya was despised in society at that time. Daoxuan blamed fallen priests in the Sifenlu shanfan buque xingshi chao (四分律刪繁補闕行事鈔). As a reason for not obeying the Vinaya, these priests explained that this Vinaya was Hinayana. For the purpose of reforming fallen priests, Daoxuan may have had to regard the sect based on the Dharmaguptaka Vinaya as Mahayana. So Daoxuan explained bija as the essence of discipline based ona Mahayana text, namely the Mahayanasamgraha.
  • 小菅 陽子
    2006 年 54 巻 2 号 p. 606-609,1296
    発行日: 2006/03/20
    公開日: 2010/03/09
    ジャーナル フリー
    Jizang (吉蔵), in his Renwang bore jingshu (『仁王般若経疏』), proposed a new theory about Buddhadhatu (仏性) which asserted the three kinds of Buddhatva, i. e. xianchang-foxing (現常仏性), dangchang-foxing (当常仏性), and liaoyin-foxing (了因仏性). His aim seems to combine the idea of Prajña (般若) with Buddhadhatu. The source of his new theory, I suppose, can be found in the Foxing lun (『仏性論』) and She dacheng lunshi (『摂大乗論釈』) of Zhendi (Paramartha 真諦), as well as the Shizihou pusa pin 師子吼菩薩品, a chapter of the Mahaparinirvana-sutra (『浬槃経』).
  • 吉村 誠
    2006 年 54 巻 2 号 p. 610-616,1296
    発行日: 2006/03/20
    公開日: 2010/03/09
    ジャーナル フリー
    The Pusajie jiemo wen was translated by Xuanzang in 649. Although it is widely thought to have been produced from the Bodhisattavabumi of the Yogacarabhumi, this is not strictly true. The Pusajie jiemo wen was a reorganized text of the Yogacarabhumi. The text was reorganized in order to use it in the actual ritual of receiving the precepts.
    Xuanzang held great interest in the bodhisattva precepts. When he visited India, he entreated his master, Silabhadra, to give the precepts to him, though he had already received them in China. It is likely that the reorganized ritual in the Pusajie jiemo wen reflects Xuanzang's experience in India.
    Upon his return to China, he often gave the bodhisattva precepts to the ministers of the Tang dynasty. Xuanzang believed that it would help increase their support towards Buddhism.
  • 多田 修
    2006 年 54 巻 2 号 p. 617-621,1297
    発行日: 2006/03/20
    公開日: 2010/03/09
    ジャーナル フリー
    It is said that Ruli 如理 was a disciple of Zhizhou 智周. But quite a few points are not definite with regard to Zhizhou's disciples. Therefore, I examined the relationship between Zhizhou and Ruli from Ruli's writings, etc. As a result, four features are found in Ruli's writings, especially in the Chengweishilun-shu-yiyan 成唯識論疏義演 (hereafter, Yiyan).
    i) There are many references to Ji 基 and Zhizhou.
    ii) There is no reference to Huizhao's 慧沼 disciples except Zhizhou.
    iii) In Yiyan, there are many sentences similar to ones in the Chengweishilun yanmi 成唯識論演秘 (hereafter, Yanmi).
    iv) Yiyan quoted from a variant text of the Chengweishilun-shuji 成唯識論述記 used in Yanmi.
    From these points, it is probable that Ruli was a disciple of Zhizhou.
  • 張 文良
    2006 年 54 巻 2 号 p. 622-627,1297
    発行日: 2006/03/20
    公開日: 2010/07/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    In the view of Chengguan, there is a distinction between dharmata and buddhata. Dharmata means the sunyata of all dharmas, which exists in all sentient beings as well as non-sentient beings. Buddhata, in contrast, embraces both sunyata and prajña-nature, and thus exists only in sentient beings. Based on this distinction, Chengguan criticizes views that do not admit this distinction, such as “Non-sentient beings have Buddhata” and “Non-sentient beings can become Buddhas.” Chengguan's separation of dharmata and buddhata sits in diametrical opposition to Zhanran's identity of dharmata and buddhata. The roots of this opposition stem from the following fact. Whereas Chengguan, following the standpoint of suchness or interdependent arising, contends that the dharmas (forms/xiang) of interdependent arising differ from suchness (nature/xing), Zhanran, sticking to the position of universality of interdependent arising (ti pian), maintains that there is no distinction between the physical (the non-sentient) and the sentient. It is also explored in this paper how Chengguan's view on dharmata and buddhata may have been influenced by the thoughts of nirvana sect representatives such as Huiyuan, Jizang, and Fabao.
  • 大井 和也
    2006 年 54 巻 2 号 p. 628-631,1298
    発行日: 2006/03/20
    公開日: 2010/07/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    In the Tang dynasty, Fazang (法蔵 643-712) developed his teaching on Huayan based on the teachings centered on the Avatamsakasutra (華厳経) he received from his master Zhiyan (智儼 602-668). His system of thought is organized by a classification of doctrines called the Five Doctrines and Ten Schools (五教十宗判), which was first mentioned in the Huayan yicheng jiaofen ji (華厳一乗教分記 aka 五教章).
    In the Five Doctrines, the distinction of the standpoints between beings and emptiness is used to characterize Mahayana Buddhism into early (始教) and final teachings (終教). However, in his later work Huayan jing tanxuan ji (華厳経探玄記), early and final stages are distinguished by whether all beings possess the Buddha nature (and will achieve Buddhahood) or not. This shows that the criteria for distinguishing between the early and final teachings changed.
    There are also some commentaries by Fazang on the texts of Tathagatagarbha thought. These commentaries contain another classification of doctrine (the Four Schools 四宗判) and also display an interest in the attainment of Buddhahood by all beings. This suggests a possible cause of the changes found in the Huayan jing tanxuan ji and provides evidence of the influence of Tathagatagarbha thought in Fazang's Huayan Doctrine.
  • 北塔 愛美子
    2006 年 54 巻 2 号 p. 632-635,1298
    発行日: 2006/03/20
    公開日: 2010/03/09
    ジャーナル フリー
    I compared the idea of Perfect Integration (円融) in Huiyuan's Dacheng yizhang (大乗義章) with that in Fachang's Shidilun yishu (十地論義疏) and tried to locate doctrinal characteristics of the Dacheng yizhang.
    The Dacheng yizhang is based on various Mahayana sutras, but the Shidilun yishu draws on a limited scriptural basis. So, I suggest that when Huiyuan wrote the Dacheng yizhang, Chinese Buddhists could have access to new sutras that they had not had before.
  • 松尾 得晃
    2006 年 54 巻 2 号 p. 636-641,1299
    発行日: 2006/03/20
    公開日: 2010/07/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    The basic intention of the medieval monk Daochuo was the exaltation of Pure Land Buddhism, which lay in an emphasis on sentient beings as the object of salvation. However, Daochuo had to clarify that Pure Land Buddhism did not contradict the principles of Mahayana Buddhism. Therefore, Pure Land Buddhism as Mahayana Buddhism was clarified by speaking of the Saint's birth in Amida's Pure Land. That is, Daochuo established Amida's Pure Land Buddhism as dedicated to ordinary beings in the age of the decay of the Dharma.
    Jiacai tried to clarify Pure Land Buddhism as for the sake of ordinary beings in his Jingtu-lun. He emphasized that Amida's Pure Land Buddhism is taught with the aim of liberating ordinary beings basing himself on the forty-eighth vow of the Larger Pure Land Scripture and the expression in the Mediatation Sutra “all ordinary beings of future ages.” He expressed this as “the original [vow] is for both ordinary beings and saints together.” In addition, Jiacai clarified that the object of liberation shifted from ordinary people and saints to ordinary people by reorganizing the Anleji. In a word, Jiacai understood the real intention of Daochuo's Pure Land Buddhism as Pure Land teaching for ordinary beings, and expressed it as, “the original [vow] is for both Ordinary Beings and Saints together”.
  • 龍口 明生
    2006 年 54 巻 2 号 p. 642-648,1300
    発行日: 2006/03/20
    公開日: 2010/07/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    Previously I have investigated the relationship between faith in Amida Buddha and the precepts, especially the connection to the Eight Prohibitory Precepts as they are portrayed in the Da Amituo jing (『大阿弥陀経』), the Wuliangshou jing (『無量寿経』) and the Guan Wuliangshou jing (『観無量寿経』). Upholding the precepts is discussed in five extant Chinese translations of the Larger Sutra of Immeasurable Life (無量寿経): the Da Amituo jing (『大阿弥陀経』), the Wuliang qingjing pingdengjue jing (『無量清浄平等覚経』), the Wuliangshou jing (『無量寿経』), the Wuliangshou rulai hui (『無量寿如来会』), and the Dacheng wuliangshou zhuangyan jing (『大乗無量寿荘厳経』). The topic I wish to consider in this article is whether these precepts are a primary factor for awakening or for birth in the Pure Land, and how they came to have this status. Along with the development, spread and establishment of the teachings of Pure Land, the practice of reciting the name of the Buddha was emphasized, to the detriment of other practices. As faith in Amida spread, however, for the sake of good relations with other faiths and institutions, the question of upholding the precepts could not be ignored. From this point of view, upholding the precepts, especially the Eight Prohibitory Precepts, are important to the transmission of the teaching of Pure Land Buddhism.
  • 岩城 英規
    2006 年 54 巻 2 号 p. 649-654,1300
    発行日: 2006/03/20
    公開日: 2010/03/09
    ジャーナル フリー
    The purpose of this article is to clarify the thought of Zhiyuan of the Song dynasty and Zhixu of the Ming dynasty, by comparing their commentaries on the Shoulengyan jing. Zhiyuan regards zhenxin (真心) as of greatest import from his weixin (唯心) principle, and often uses the concepts of zhen (真), wang (妄), zhong (中) in his commentary. Zhixu often uses kong (空) jia (仮), zhong (中), zhi (止), guan (観), xiu (修), xing (性), cang (蔵), tong (通), bie (別), yuan (円), and other Tiantai doctrines in his commentary.
  • 塩入 法道
    2006 年 54 巻 2 号 p. 655-660,1301
    発行日: 2006/03/20
    公開日: 2010/07/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    At the beginning of Chapter Seven of the Vimalakirti-nirdesa translated by Kumarajiva, thirty comparisons were pointed out to explain thoroughly that sattva is non-existence, namely that it is sunya. These comparisons are classified into three kinds: (1) Existing as phenomena but not existing as real bodies, (2) Not existing theoretically and (3) Not existing in reality in general theories.
    Seeing such a classification, Zhiyi regarded these comparisons to understand respectively: (1) Earthly truth for sattva (仮), (2) Essential existence for sattva (空) and (3) Existence enhanced from both existences (中). Particularly, he discussed comparisons of type (3) and elucidated that they existed in fact even though they are impossible at first glance. This explanation is a jump from the context of the sutra and quite unique from opinions of other scholars.
    Though the sutra after this part elucidates the compassion of the bodhisattva, Zhiyi admitting the earthly meaning regards the sattva, the object of the bodhisattva's compassion, as not a complete sunya and thus finds a foundation for compassion.
  • 張堂 興志
    2006 年 54 巻 2 号 p. 661-664,1301
    発行日: 2006/03/20
    公開日: 2010/07/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    When we look closely into the Fahua xuanyi 法華玄義, it is often mentioned that enlightenment can be attained secretly by people with the capacity of the two vehicles.
    In the Tiwei boli jing 提謂波利経, which expounds the Five precepts and the Ten Good Acts 五戒十善 to lay believers in the secular world, it is mentioned that some have covertly reached the ultimate insight, anutpattikadharma-ksanti 無生法忍, that nothing arises or perishes. Zhiyi 智〓 acknowledged this fact and pronounced that enlightenment is possible even through Hinayana doctrines at the time of the preaching in the Deer Park 鹿苑時.
    However, there is no conclusive verse or prose that can be seen as evidence in the Tiwei boli jing which clearly indicates that some have attained enlightenment within the early stages. Thus, due to the nature of its teaching as being unable to be discussed in words fully, it must be called the secret teaching.
  • 柳澤 正志
    2006 年 54 巻 2 号 p. 665-668,1302
    発行日: 2006/03/20
    公開日: 2010/07/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    The concept of neixun ziwu was developed by Zhanran. Zhiyi taught that the Lotus Sutra is transmitted eternally from buddha to buddha. Addressing theoretical problems posed by the Lotus Sutra having no origin in an infinite past, Zhanran proposed the existence of a first buddha. There was, however, no doctrinal basis for a first buddha. Zhanran thus determined that there was a period of “no teaching” during which the first buddha became enlightened due to his own “internal perfuming” (neixun), instead of through coming under the influence of the teachings of a previous buddha. He used this term neixun exclusively for discussing the enlightenment of the first buddha.
    Subsequent masters of Chinese Tiantai and Japanese Tendai doctrine developed two interpretations of Zhanran's theory. One camp believed the notion of a first buddha to be factual and the other claimed it to be hypothetical. Many Song dynasty masters such as Zhili, Yuanqing, and Shanyue took Zhanran's theory at face value, while Japanese (predominately) Tendai masters such as Genshin, Kakucho, and Shoshin proclaimed it hypothetical. They raised two main objections to Zhanran's theory. First, they questioned whether it is possible to seek for a beginning of Buddhism. Second, they argued that the postulation of “no teaching” precludes the cause for becoming a buddha and that, without that cause, this explanation resembles heretical, non-Buddhist teachings. Genshin questioned Zhili's approach to this problem, and many Japanese Tendai masters agreed with Genshin's interpretation.
  • 渡辺 麻里子
    2006 年 54 巻 2 号 p. 669-672,1303
    発行日: 2006/03/20
    公開日: 2010/07/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    Many scholar monks of the Nichiren sect studied in dangisho (doctrinal studies centers or workshops within the Buddhist temple establishment) of the Tendai sect. Hence many of the documents copied at these centers of learning have been preserved at temples of Nichiren sect affiliation, to the extent that the learning conducted at Tendai dangisho can be gleaned from Nichiren sect temple documents.
    This paper concerns the monk Nichii (1444-1519) who first took the tonsure in the Tendai sect under the name Taigei, studying at dangisho at Hieizan, Jôbodaiin temple, Kanasana temple, and elsewhere. He later converted to the Nichiren sect under the guidance of Nitchô, changing his name to Nichii, and eventually became the twelfth generation abbot of Kuonji Temple, the main temple of the Nichiren sect.
    While still affiliated with the Tendai sect and using the name Taigei, Nichii was chosen to be the one monk initiated into the exclusive three stage transmission at the dangisho conducted by Eigen, seventh generation abbot of Kanasana Temple. Thus we can presume that he fully absorbed the learning conducted at Kanasana Temple, and, through studying the surviving documents that he copied as Taigei, we can discern the outlines of the scholarship transmitted there during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. Many of these documents have been preserved at Kuonji Temple in the Minobu Archive, enabling scholars to identify the chronology, order, and content of initiation at Kanasana Temple. We can also see that the Lotus Sutra, documents related to The Three Great Treatises of the Tendai School (Sandaibu), works concerning doctrinal debate, and those concerning oral transmission were part of the “textbooks” that Nichii copied during his transmission studies.
  • 潘 哲毅
    2006 年 54 巻 2 号 p. 673-677,1304
    発行日: 2006/03/20
    公開日: 2010/03/09
    ジャーナル フリー
    To obtain the truth of Buddha, Tiantai Zhiyi 天台智〓 teaches that it's fine to meditate on one's own mind which is easy to be meditated on. But it tends to understand this teaching too easily from old times. In this essay, the most successful one in Tiantai study of Japan-DAIHOU Syudatsu (1804-1884)'s discussion over this problem is taken up, and the traditional comments and their limits are examined. Syudatsu centered on Zhanran 湛然 and Zhili 知禮, settled the traditional comments of Zhiyi's teaching in two meanings-“Jinyao 近要” and “Mingmiao 冥妙”. “Jinyao” means “Jinyuan 近遠” and “Nengzao 能造” of one's own mind. “Mingmiao” means that one's own mind really does exist but without a form. These two meanings are taken to be complementary to each other, and because both are the dharma of mind, they also contain each other.
  • 勝野 隆広
    2006 年 54 巻 2 号 p. 678-681,1304
    発行日: 2006/03/20
    公開日: 2010/03/09
    ジャーナル フリー
    In the Lotus Sutra, there is a story of a child who playfully built a Buddhist stupa but attained Buddhahood by chanting Namu Buddha only once with a confused mind. This is called an incident of small virtue attaining Buddhahood. Tiantai considers this story as an important one since it candidly shows the Lotus Sutra's concept of the Truth of the One Vehicle. Tiantai thinks of behaviors of playfulness and confusion in mind as characteristics of human goodness, explaining the episode of small virtue attaining Buddhahood by the theory of Threefold Buddha-nature. The small virtue is Buddha-nature as conditional cause in Threefold Buddha-nature. Tiantai explains that Buddha-nature as complete cause also moves and Buddha-nature as direct cause appears by the movement of the Buddha-nature as conditional cause, attaining Buddhahood. This means that a practitioner is encouraged to arouse the resolve to attain Buddhahood on the basis of the Lotus Sutra.
  • 木村 周誠
    2006 年 54 巻 2 号 p. 682-686,1305
    発行日: 2006/03/20
    公開日: 2010/07/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    The ‘Middle Way’ in Tiantai teachings has been generally interpreted as the simultaneous, balanced, and complete realization of both ‘Emptiness’ and ‘Conventionality’. However, Zhiyi's explanation on this term in his Weimojing wenshu (Commentary on the Passages of the Vimalakirti-nirdesa _??__??__??__??__??__??__??_) can be summarized as follows: “Both all things in the worldly realm and the inevitable consequences of sentient beings in six existences originate in ‘Ignorance’, whereas both all things in the transcendent realm and the results of the four holy attainments originate in understanding ‘Ignoiance’. Thus, ‘Ignorance’ is the originating factor of everything, and thereby ‘Ignorance’ and ‘Dharma-nature’ are neither two nor separated. When this indivisibility is applied to the observation of sentient beings, it is revealed that the ‘Middle Way’ is concealed by means of ‘Ignorance’.” In conclusion, to contemplate the Middle Way is nothing but to have an insight into ‘Ignorance’ as the ultimate origin of 'Dharma of Sentient Beings (_??__??__??_ [Fahua xuanyi _??__??__??__??__??__??_ T33. 693b]).
  • 本間 孝継
    2006 年 54 巻 2 号 p. 687-690,1305
    発行日: 2006/03/20
    公開日: 2010/03/09
    ジャーナル フリー
    Not a few researchers have already discussed Saicho's use of the term “enki”, especially in interpretations of “enkiijuku”. But it seems to us that they are only rhetorical wordings, when we compare the famous passage “enkiijuku, engyotsuiko” (圓機已熟, 圓教遂興) which began this argument with the wordings and points of Zengi's gratitude for the lecture on Tendai Teaching by Saicho. I alter the point in question to study some of Zhiyi's or Zhanran's illustrations of the term “yuanji/enki” and contrast their interpretations to Saicho's. In conclusion, though Saicho's uses of “enki” are based on Tendai Buddhism, they also contain his original point of view.
  • 上杉 智英
    2006 年 54 巻 2 号 p. 691-694,1306
    発行日: 2006/03/20
    公開日: 2010/07/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    The text of the Ojo uragaki 往生裏書 is owned by the Kanagawa Prefectural Kanazawa-bunko Museum. This is a fragmentary version consisting of 14 sheets and lacking the introductory and final parts. “Ojo uragaki 往生裏書” apparently was a provisional title. The formal title of the work is unknown. However, I compared it with the Ojo yoshu uragaki 往生要集裏書 version in the Shimpuku-temple 真福寺, and my conclusion is that they are almost identical texts and that the original title was “Ojo yoshu uragaki 往生要集裏書”.
    The Ojo yoshu uragaki 往生要集裏書 is an an annotation of the Ojo yoshu 往生要集 by Shingen 真源 (1064-1136). The work actually represents an investigation into the textual sources of the Ojo yoshu 往生要集.
    I compared the Kanazawa-bunko version of the Ojo yoshu uragaki with the Shimpuku-ji version, and the characteristics of the former became clear: 1) Judging from the number of its Chinese characters, the Kanazawa-bunko version represents a third of the Shimpuku-ji text. 2) The sheets in the Kanazawa-bunko version are not arranged in the correct order. 3) The missing introductory part amounts to about 3 sheets.
    The Ojo yoshu uragaki 往生要集裏書 has been so far known only in its Shimpuku-ji version. The discovery of the Kanazawa-bunko version makes it possible to collate the two texts and opens the way for a critical edition. I hope that my diplomatic edition and study will contribute to this.
  • 桃尾 幸順
    2006 年 54 巻 2 号 p. 695-699,1307
    発行日: 2006/03/20
    公開日: 2010/03/09
    ジャーナル フリー
    This paper concerns the hongaku idea of medieval Japanese Tendai. A main problem is the meaning in which the word shikaku is being used. I first consider the meaning of the term in the Dacheng qixin lun. Then, I examine its use in a number of texts associated with hongaku thought. I conclude that the term is used in a variety of senses.
  • 小山 昌純
    2006 年 54 巻 2 号 p. 700-704,1307
    発行日: 2006/03/20
    公開日: 2010/03/09
    ジャーナル フリー
    For a long time, Genshin's Bodaishin-gi-yomon 菩提心義要文 was thought to be no longer extant. However, in 1968, Sato Tetsuei 佐藤哲英 discovered a manuscript and introduced it to academic circles. This manuscript is thought to be from the end of the Heian era or the Kamakura era. However, because this manuscript lacked its beginning, the complete contents could not be known. In examining whether or not another copy of the Bodaishin-gi-yomon existed someplace else, I learned that there was a copy in Kosan-ji 高山寺. This research considers the missing section based on the manuscript owned by Kosan-ji.
  • 松原 良樹
    2006 年 54 巻 2 号 p. 705-708,1307
    発行日: 2006/03/20
    公開日: 2010/07/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    There are three well known accounts of the Chinese Zen Master Nanyue Huairang (Jp. Nangaku Ejo): 1) he is the Dharma heir of the sixth Chinese patriarch Huineng; 2) he is considered by later generations to be an important figure as the teacher of monk Mazu Daoyi (Jp. Baso Doitsu; 707-788); 3) according to the historical account Baolin zhuan (Jp. Horin-den; 801), he achieved his enlightenment under the instruction of the Master Laoan (Jp. Roan; ?582-709?). This slight contradiction poses important questions about Nanyue's position in the Dharma lineage.
    Nanyue's memorial epitaph was made at the request of disciples of Mazu. The implication of this event reveals an intentional distortion created by linking the two masters' Dharma lineages, Huineng and Mazu. In fact, there is almost no historical evidence that can clearly show the successive trans-mission of the three masters in their Dharma lineage. From this point of view, it is possible to argue that their genealogy was created in response to the needs of the related Chan circle. Simultaneously, this argument even raises doubts about Nanyue's historical existence itself.
  • 小早川 浩大
    2006 年 54 巻 2 号 p. 709-712,1308
    発行日: 2006/03/20
    公開日: 2010/07/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    Juefan Huihong (覚範慧洪 1071-1128) who was a Chan priest in the lineage of Linji-zong Huang long-pai (臨済宗黄龍派) during the Beisong dynasty (北宋) wrote many books in his life. His works, the Linjian lu 林間録, the Chanlin Sengbao zhuan 禅林僧宝伝, etc., convey valuable records. Although his works were criticized as exaggerated and highly speculative by Dahui Zonggao (大慧宗杲, 1089-1163), it is found that some of his descriptions were frequently quoted by other Chan priests in their works. These quotations were adopted as very important records, especially in the late twelfth century Rentian yanmu (人天眼目) of Huiyan Zhizhao (晦巖智昭). This report attempts to consider the estimation of Huihong, focusing on quotations from his books found in the Rentian yanmu. Most of the quotations from his work were descriptions about the Caodong-zong (曹洞宗), and descriptions that cannot be found in others' works were included. From this, it seems that the book the Rentian yanmu is an important record quoting Huihong's works. In conclusion, we can give an estimation of Huihong because his works provide a valuable record of the Caodong-zong.
  • 田戸 大智
    2006 年 54 巻 2 号 p. 713-716,1309
    発行日: 2006/03/20
    公開日: 2010/03/09
    ジャーナル フリー
    This paper first examines the five abhisambodhi (stages of meditation to attain buddhahood) as described in the opening passage of the Wubu xinguan. I then verify that this conception of the five abhisambodhi is connected closely with that elucidated in both the Zunsheng foding xiuyujiafa guiyi (T. 973), the translation of which is attributed to Subhakarasimha, and the Zhufo jingjie shezhenshi jing, translated by Prajña. I conclude with thoughts on the dating of the Wubu xinguan's formation.
  • 千葉 正
    2006 年 54 巻 2 号 p. 717-721,1309
    発行日: 2006/03/20
    公開日: 2010/03/09
    ジャーナル フリー
    Raiho is the preist of the Shingon Sect belonging to the 14th century, master of Goho, and an advocate of the Toji doctrine. I want to introduce a new manuscript of the Kyogensho by Raiho. The manuscript was written in the early Edo period, and was copied on Mt. Koya. The Kyogensho describes the Sokushin jobutsu theory.
  • 豊嶋 悠吾
    2006 年 54 巻 2 号 p. 722-725,1309
    発行日: 2006/03/20
    公開日: 2010/03/09
    ジャーナル フリー
    The Shingon school in Japan attached importance to the Shi moheyan lun (Jap.: Shaku makaen non), a commentary on the Dacheng qixin lun (Awakening of Faith) ascribed to Nagarjuna, because the founder Kukai used it many times in his works. Saisen (1025-1115), a scholarly monk of the Shingon school in the later Heian period, left a commentary on a part of the Shi moheyan lun. One of the characteristics of his commentary is that non-dual Mahayana (funi makaen) is active and has an entrance gate for non-duality (funi-mon) for practitioners, while non-dual Mahayana is static and has no entrance in the Shi moheyan lun.
  • 宇野 惠教
    2006 年 54 巻 2 号 p. 726-730,1310
    発行日: 2006/03/20
    公開日: 2010/07/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    The term “dhatuvada” (j. kitai-setsu) was invented by Dr. Shiro Matsumoto in order to develop his critical examination of Buddhist thought in general. In this paper, I would like to claim that Shinran's view of buddhakaya is not applicable to the notion of Matsumoto's “dhatuvada”. For that purpose, I classified the view of buddhakaya from three standpoints, i. e., 1) buddhakaya as the ultimate reality, 2) Buddha's saving work as manifested in Buddha's Name and Buddha-body, 3) buddhakaya as immanent in all beings. In Shinran's view of buddhakaya, the second standpoint is most prominent, the first being mentioned only in relation to the second, and the third standpoint is totally ignored.
    Matsumoto does not admit the second standpoint, but identifies it with the first or third one. Shinran's view of buddhakaya, however, is mainly based on it. Especially the notion of sambhogakaya, or Amida Buddha as the fulfillment of his causal Vow, is crucial. This sambhogakaya is not such a Buddha-body transformed tentatively from dharmakaya, as Matsumoto states, but rather a manifestation of Amida's saving work on all sentient beings.
    Concerning the third standpoint stated above, Buddha-nature is not that which beings originally possess, but is endowed to them through Other Power of Amida.
  • 門川 徹真
    2006 年 54 巻 2 号 p. 731-736,1310
    発行日: 2006/03/20
    公開日: 2010/07/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    This paper represents an attempt at the textual criticism of several of Shinran's writings. As the result of this attempt I found that he rewrote some works in his last year, for example, changing certain terms from Tenjin 天親 to Seshin 世親 (Vasubandu) and from shujo 衆生 to ujo 有情 (sattva).
    In addition he used new terms, toshogaku 等正覺 and mujogaku 無上覺, for the first time at the age of eighty-five. These rewritings are due to the fact that he was facing difficult problems such as strife with his son Zenran and opposition to the Nembutsu.
    So he increased his focus on Mappo consciousness, and used new terms in his last year.
    Ujo signifies that all beings strive to live always to the utmost. On this account Shinran thought ujo better than shujo.
    In the history of Chinese translations of Buddhist scriptures, the term shujo is older than ujo. Shinran used the new term ujo consciously rather than the older shujo.
  • 長岡 岳澄
    2006 年 54 巻 2 号 p. 737-742,1311
    発行日: 2006/03/20
    公開日: 2010/03/09
    ジャーナル フリー
    In Shin-Buddhism, there have been two religious aspects: one is the pure religious aspect expected of Shin-Buddhists and the other is the folk aspect including worldly profits and ancestor worship. These two aspects are said to comprise the religiousness of Shin-Buddhism. As for self in Shin-Buddhism, it is assumed to consist of a mutually independent self and a cooperative self.
    Taking into consideration the two religious aspects and the two types of view of self mentioned above, I try to advocate a new theory about the propagation of Shin-Buddhism.
  • 佐々木 覚爾
    2006 年 54 巻 2 号 p. 743-749,1311
    発行日: 2006/03/20
    公開日: 2010/07/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    This paper is about different perspectives on understanding the truth or the Primal Vow in chapter two of the Tannisho. According to the common understanding, the latter part of chapter two represents this chapter, but instead, the conclusion or the substance of chapter two can be seen in the first half sentence, which speaks directly about the truth or the Primal Vow.
    In the latter part of chapter two is written, “If Amida's Primal Vow is true, Shakyamuni's teaching cannot be false. If the Buddha's teaching is true, Shandao's commentaries cannot be false. If Shandao's commentaries are true, can Honen's words be lies? If Honen's words are true, then surely what I say cannot be empty. Such, in the end, is how this foolish person entrusts himself [to the Vow]. Beyond this, whether you take up the nembutsu or whether you abandon it is for each of you to determine”.
    This paradoxical sentence was comprehended to mean that the Primal Vow is the truth. However, this sentence begins with the assumptive word “If-”, which means the truth of Primal Vow is yet unclear. Instead, Shinran's understanding of truth can be found in the first half of sentence in chapter two, concluding “I have no idea”.
  • 赤渕 弘祐
    2006 年 54 巻 2 号 p. 750-753,1312
    発行日: 2006/03/20
    公開日: 2010/03/09
    ジャーナル フリー
    In Shin Buddhist theology from an ancient period there has been a logic named Suimyo-Jigyo. It is thought that this word is a term related to two kinds of dharmakaya seen in the Ichinen Tanen Mon'i and Yuisinsho Mon'i. However, the point has not been adequately considered yet, as has been stressed by Sasaki Giei.
    These days it is held that the term is used in two general ways. In this paper, I examine these two interpretations, and agree that this logic expresses that movement that Amida makes to save common beings.
  • 高瀬 大宣
    2006 年 54 巻 2 号 p. 754-757,1312
    発行日: 2006/03/20
    公開日: 2010/03/09
    ジャーナル フリー
    Furuta Takehiko thinks that Shinran distinguished the ultimate sinner (Gyakuho sendai) from himself. Quoting Mattosho 19 and Shinran shonin goshosoku 9, Furuta points out the contradiction that Shinran catches himself and others in speaking of the ultimate sinner. But, can one label others as ultimate sinners simply because one knows that one's self is such? For Shinran, the self that is known to Amida is the ultimate sinner. Shinran did not distinguish himself from the ultimate sinner, but on the contrary included himself in that category. On the basis of these two letters of Shinran we can come to understand how Shinran guided his disciples from his position of being known by Amida as an ultimate sinner.
  • 黒田 義道
    2006 年 54 巻 2 号 p. 758-761,1313
    発行日: 2006/03/20
    公開日: 2010/07/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    In Jodo-shin Buddhism, leaders have been called Master “師” or True Teacher “善知識”. However, although these two terms are treated as the same, I think that the meanings differ. In general, the same meaning of both terms is to lead people. The most important difference is that the Master does not have the aspect of being a fellow practitioner “同行”, which the True Teacher has. Shinran used both terms in this way.
    Then, which image of leader, Master or True Teacher, was hoped for in the early religious community of Jodo-shin Buddhism? We can discover an answer from the Komyo-Honzon which was made between the middle of the 13th century and the middle of the 14th. It is clear that Shinran and his disciples are drawn as Honen's disciples in the Komyo-Honzon. This means that the relationship between Honen and Shinran or Shinran's disciples is a Master-disciple relationship, and the one between Shinran and his disciples is that of fellow practitioners. Therefore, it can be said that people in the community hoped for their leader to be a True Teacher because the True Teacher has the aspect of being a fellow practitioner.
  • 岡崎 秀麿
    2006 年 54 巻 2 号 p. 762-765,1314
    発行日: 2006/03/20
    公開日: 2010/03/09
    ジャーナル フリー
    This paper considers the term ocho 横超, an important term in Shinran's thought. According to Shinran, “Ocho is the basic meaning of Jodo Shinshu.” Since the word is drawn from the Larger Pure Land Sutra and Zendou, this paper examines the case of the former. An additional point is the term jinen (自然), which is used differently in the Larger Pure Land Sutra and by Shinran, a difference which is important for our consideration of the term ocho.
  • 網代 豊和
    2006 年 54 巻 2 号 p. 766-769,1314
    発行日: 2006/03/20
    公開日: 2010/03/09
    ジャーナル フリー
    Why did Shinran quote the Wangsheng lunzhu's explanation of “Shokudoku” in the “True Buddha Land” chapter of the Kyogyshinsho? I most particularly examine the question of the intent behind the quotation with regard to the “original” meaning of “Shokudoku”. I conclude that the intent of the quotation is to demonstrate the reason why the True Buddha's Recompensed Land is established as fulfillment of the Primal Vow. In other words, the reason clarifies the theory of simultaneous cause and effect according to the “original” meaning.
  • 原田 哲了
    2006 年 54 巻 2 号 p. 770-775,1314
    発行日: 2006/03/20
    公開日: 2010/07/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    I consider here the significance of the expression “ojo wo togu” in Tannisho Chapter III considering how it differs from the expression “ojo wo su” in the Daigo Honenshonin-denki and the Kudensho of Kakunyo.
    A verb “togu” expresses the difficulty of a desire, an intention or an act, of the subject. However, it cannot be said that the distinction in expression of “togu” and “su” in the phrases “ojo wo togu” and “ojo wo su” is clear in contemporary literary works and Buddhist sermons.
    In Shinran's usage, expressions with “togu” tend to be related to the Primal Vow and the Other Power of Amida Buddha. Especially relevant is the phrase “Kasui no Gan” and in comparison with the “ojo wo togu” in the Tannisho we may place an example in the Yuishinsho-Mon'i.
    In conclusion, strongly related with expression of “ojo wo togu” is the term “eshin” is used in Chapter III. This expresses the character of this chapter. This chapter is able to express the overall structure of the salvific capacity of the Pure Land teaching, grounded in the Primal Vow, in common with Shinran's expression.
  • 吉田 道興
    2006 年 54 巻 2 号 p. 776-783,1315
    発行日: 2006/03/20
    公開日: 2010/07/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    Hangyo Kozen (1625-93) was the thirty-fifth abbot of Eiheiji Monastery. He edited and published the Sofukanji inrui or Genealogy of Zen Monks Classified by the Sound of the First Chinese Character of Each Name comprising 150 volumes (100 books) when he was the chief priest of Takanawa Sengakuji Temple in Edo for ten years. The genealogy included about five hundred Chinese Zen monks who were classified by the sound of the first Chinese character of each name. These biographies were collected by using 162 old and valuable materials. Volume 88 contains a “Life of Zen Master Dogen,” the founder of Japanese Soto Zen. But no one has noticed this “Life of Dogen” in the Sofukanji inrui until now.
    In this “Life of Dogen” his father is stated to have been Koga Michichika, his mother to have been the daughter of Fujiwara Motofusa and his uncle on his mother's side to have been Ryokan, the eighth son of Fujiwara Motofusa. This article examines these materials.
  • 石井 清沌
    2006 年 54 巻 2 号 p. 784-790,1316
    発行日: 2006/03/20
    公開日: 2010/03/09
    ジャーナル フリー
    In this paper, I would like to confirm how Dogen defines the word Bussho, or Buddha Nature, in the Bussho fascicle of the Shobogenzo. I conclude that the word Bussho has a meaning similar to the word Daigo, or the Great Attainment, in the Daigo fascicle of the Shobogenzo. It indicates the attribute of the whole world as Buddha, and its individual emergence as any phenomena could be called Shujo, or Sentient Being. Though this definition might be unique in Buddhist thought, it is a specific aspect of Dogen thought.
  • 笠井 哲
    2006 年 54 巻 2 号 p. 791-797,1316
    発行日: 2006/03/20
    公開日: 2010/03/09
    ジャーナル フリー
    The purpose of this paper is to consider the economic ethics of Suzuki Shosan. Economic ethics means vocational ethics, and Suzuki explained vocational ethics in his main published work Banmin Tokuyo. His vocational ethics was based on the principle that worldly things are Buddhism. He looked on one's vocation as the other self of the Buddha. Every vocation as training improves one and relieves his mind. There is a Japanese vocational ethics. It continues living in the Japanese mind.
  • 山本 博子
    2006 年 54 巻 2 号 p. 798-803,1316
    発行日: 2006/03/20
    公開日: 2010/03/09
    ジャーナル フリー
    In research up to now, it was thought that the twenty-five historical holy places of St. Honen's activities were established and pilgrimage developed only by the effort of the priest Reitaku. However, in Reitaku's own “Guide book to twenty-five historical holy places related to the great master Enko” it is recorded that concerning the choice of the pilgrimage temples and the way of numbering the temples he inevitably followed the suggestion of Osaka-ko. Osaka-ko was a group of pilgrims and their leader was a merchant from Osaka. Osaka-ko donated pictures of St. Honen and pilgrim songs to the temple, published books of pilgrim songs and erected many memorial stones and signposts. In this way, Osaka-ko contributed to the establishment of the twenty-five historical holy places of St. Honen's activities and to the development of this pilgrimage.
  • 坂輪 宣政
    2006 年 54 巻 2 号 p. 804-807,1317
    発行日: 2006/03/20
    公開日: 2010/03/09
    ジャーナル フリー
    In the eighth year of Kansei (1896) occurred an incident between the Okayama clan and Nichiren sect temples concerning the name of the sect. The Okayama clan tried to forbid the use of the name Hokeshu as the sect's official name. However, in the face of the objection of Nichiren sect, they gave up their efforts. The Nichiren temple of those days considered the appellation Hokeshu to be extremely important.
  • 西本 祐攝
    2006 年 54 巻 2 号 p. 808-811,1317
    発行日: 2006/03/20
    公開日: 2010/07/01
    ジャーナル フリー
    The purpose of this study is to clarify the aspect of time in Kiyozawa Manshi's Genzai-anju. In the early part of my study, I refer to the criticism of Soga Ryojin against Kiyozawa's Seishin-shugi (Spiritual Activism). The main point of the criticism by Soga, in short, is the lack of the practice of compassion and the norm of conduct for the future in Kiyozawa's Genzaianju.
    In the second part of this paper, I consider “Seishinshugi-to-sanze” as Kiyozawa's reply to the criticism of Soga. Kiyozawa responds to this criticism, saying that “Seishin-shugi is Akirame-shugi (the resignation attitude) for the past, Seishin-shugi is Anju-shugi (peaceful settlement) in the present, Seishin-shugi is Funrei-shugi (doing one's best) for the future.” [KMZ, vol. 6, p. 91] Besides he insists that the principal aim of the Seishin-shugi is peaceful settlement in the present time. In the course of my argument it should become clear that Kiyozawa insists that compassion does not have meaning for the past and the future but has meaning for the faith in the present moment and that Genzai-anju realizes release from recollection of the past and the future and that Genzai-anju results in Akirame-shugi for the past and Funrei-shugi for the future.
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