In the Sarvastivādin Abhidharma, it is explained that the rūpa dharma （one of the five skandhas） consists of the five sense faculties, five objects of perception and avijñapti-rūpa. Verse 9 of the first chapter （Dhātunirdeśa） of Vasubandhu’s Abhidharmakośabhāṣya explains, “Those bases of consciousnesses are （the five sense faculties such as） the eyes; it is a transparent pure rūpa.” Citing Saṅghabhadra’s words, Sthiramati, in his commentary on the Abhidharmakośa, the Tattvārthā Abhidharmakośabhāṣyaṭīkā, comments on, and provides his understanding of, rūpa dharma as a sense faculty.

Concerning the explanation that the sense faculties are transparent pure rūpa, in this paper I would like to present the results of my reading of the intention behind Sthiramati’s commentary on verse 9, paying attention to Saṅghabhadra’s *Nyāyānusāra. Although many studies on the Abhidharmakośabhāṣya already exist, there is still a need to examine the reason why Vasubandhu composed the Abhidharmakośabhāṣya. There is also a need to undertake further research in order to clarify the positions of Saṅghabhadra and Sthiramati in the development of Buddhist doctrine vis-à-vis the Abhidharmakośabhāṣya. Therefore, by analyzing and sorting out the context of Sthiramati’s commentary on the Abhidharmakośabhāṣya, it is possible to provide further resources for understanding the place of Saṅghabhadra and Sthiramati in the development of doctrinal thought originating in the Abhidharmakośabhāṣya.

It is said that Dōshō 道昭, who introduced the Hossō idea to Japan, only stood up once every three or seven days when he entered meditation. This suggests that he may have practiced nirodha-samāpatti. His disciple, Gyōki 行基, is said to have had many spiritual experiences and mysterious intimations, which may have been related to the practice of śamatha. Tokuitsu 徳一 wrote the Shikan-ron 止観論 （“Treatise on Cessation and Observation”）, and critical comments on it by Saichō mention several texts that the Hossō sect may have used for meditation. In addition to the Chinese translations of the Yogācārabhūmi 瑜伽師地論, the Sandhinirmocana-sūtra 解深密経, and the Abhidharmasamuccaya 雑集論, these texts include the translations by Yijing of the Zhiguanmen lunsong 止観門論頌, and Liumen jiaoshou lun 六門教授論. There is also a reference to the “18 Methods of Cessation and Observation” 十八門止観, which may have been a separate version of the one chapter of the Sandhinirmocana. Hossō’s view of cessation （śamatha） is that it is concentration on a single object, and his view of observation （vipaśyanā） is that it is detailed observation of the mind-action occurring in the same mind at that time. This is different from the Tendai understanding for cessation and observation. I posit that Tokuitsu’s treatise was written with this distinction in mind, in order to show the basic understanding of cessation and observation in the Hossō sect.

The Ketsu gonjitsu-ron 決権実論 of Saichō 最澄 is one of the most important texts regarding his debate with Tokuitsu 徳一. The Dengyō daishi zenshū 伝教大師全集 and the Nihon Daizōkyō 日本大蔵経 include the text. But it is well known that the printed editions are not complete since they lack the sixth of the text’s twenty sections.

The Minobu bunko 身延文庫 kindly gave me an oppotunity to read its manuscript. I was able to discover there the missing section in this text and to recognize that this manuscript is the only source so far known which preserves all sections of the work. This paper presents a reprint edition and analysis of the heretofore missing section.

One of the works written by Genshin 源信 （942-1017） that discusses the doctrines of Tendai is the Sanshugi shiki 三周義私記 （Private record concerning the doctrines of the three rounds）. In this text we find some discussions on how in the Lotus Sūtra the two vehicles lead one to attain Buddhahood.

In Tendai debates, the issue was the interpretation of the expression yuan zhu xiao 元住小 a term used by Zhanran 湛然 to discuss śrāvakas in the audience which heard the Lotus Sūtra preached. Genshin’s text records the oldest layer of that discussion. I discuss how Tendai interpreted śrāvakas and how this issue was debated, as well as its impact on debate in later generations.

In Japanese Tendai, the lineages of the Garbhadhātu and Vajradhātu each have two parts 両部各別. The first appearance of a samaya ritual manual in Tendai is the Nyūmandara jubosatsukai gyōgi 入曼荼羅受菩薩戒行儀 of Genjō 玄静 （fl. around 904）. The samaya ritual manuals imported from China were not categorized into garbha and vajra （両部）, so the content is very different from Genjō’s ritual manual.

However, at the same time that the differentiated two part ritual of Garbha and Vajra appeared, the conjoined Garbha and Vajra ritual 両部合行 was created. Investigation of the date of establishment of the two-part conjoined ritual reveals the involvement of Kōgei 皇慶 （977?-1049） in its creation.

In addition, the samaya ritual manuals made in China and Japan have different personalities. Japanese ritual manuals were prepared so that they could be used as handy guides in the ritual of initiation.

From the description of the Saishō-kō mondōki 最勝講問答記, we learn that there are two types of debates in the Saishō-kō, the Lecture on the Sūtra of Golden Light, namely the Ronzō rongi 論蔵論義 and Shaku rongi 尺論義. In these debates, a monk of the Tendai sect served as lecturer, The former consists mainly of arguments about the Abhidharma, while the latter is largely based on the writings of Zhiyi 智顗, Guanding 灌頂, Zhanran 湛然 and other Chinese Tiantai masters. As a result, there were many academic discussions that promoted a more accurate understanding of the sect’s doctrines, which was the basis of the debates in the Saishō-kō.

This paper focuses on the description of the Hokke senbō 法華懺法 （Lotus Repentance Liturgy） in the Hokke genki 法華験記 （Honchō Hokke Genki 本朝法華験記, 1040-1043） edited by Chin’gen 鎮源, and examines its characteristics with other sources to understand how the Hokke senbō was practiced and what kind of ritual it was recognized as in the middle Heian period 平安中期. It is highly likely that the Hokke senbō in the Hokke genki was not only a ritual based on the Lotus Sūtra but was also recognized as a ritual in which practitioners could wish to be reborn in the Western Pure Land 西方極楽浄土. Moreover, the Hokke senbō in Hokke genki was practiced with the Mida nenbutsu 弥陀念仏, and it was recognized not only as practitioners’ own practice, but also as a last rites ritual 臨終行儀 or memorial ritual 追善儀礼 for the deceased.

According to the Juyo Kanjō-ki 授与灌頂記 held in the Shōmyōji 称名寺, in the time of the second abbot （late 13th c.）, to become abbot it was necessary that one receive the transmission of the five schools of Shingon Buddhism. But from the time of the third abbot, what became necessary was receving consecration （伝法灌頂） from the Ninnaji 仁和寺 school. Moreover, as was well known all over eastern Japan, the Shōmyōji was in the line of transmission of the Sanbōin 三宝院 school. Based on these factors, I have understood that behind the academic characteristics of the abbot there was a mix of required scholastic background, the tradition of the temple itself, and personal interests. Therefore I suggest the necessity to revise the ways we describe the history of a temple.

In this paper, I demonstrate that the doctrinal idea of genshin seppō 現身説法 discussed by Genshin in the Amidabutsu byakugōkan 阿弥陀仏白毫観 is found also in his Ōjōyōshū 往生要集. The idea of genshin seppō is that the Buddha manifests transformed bodies （genshin現身） for sentient beings, and teaches the Dharma （seppō 説法） in various ways according to the spiritual levels of sentient beings. Previous studies here found that the Ōjōyōshū teaches the idea of the “light of embracing（sesshu no hikari 摂取の光）, but they have ignored the existence of the idea of genshin seppō in the text. This paper shows that in the Ōjōyōshū the idea of genshin seppō is expressed in the form of the preaching of the incarnated figures of Buddhas and Bodhisattvas appearing in the light.

To make this argument, I take up the teaching discussed in the Guanfo sanmei hai jing 観仏三昧海経, because this sūtra greatly influenced Genshin’s view of the Buddha’s light as seen in both in the Amidabutsu byakugōkan and in the Ōjōyōshū. In the first section of this paper, I show the similarities between the Amidabutsu byakugōkan and the Guanfo sanmei hai jing. The second part of the paper discusses the relationship between the Ōjōyōshū and the Guanfo sanmei hai jing. The third part focuses on Genshin’s unique method of textual citation.

In Chapter 3 of the Ketsujō ōjō shū 決定往生集, Chin’gai 珍海 argues, citing some relevant passages from the Larger and Smaller Sukhāvatīvyūha-sūtras, that sentient beings are able to dwell in the stage of nonretrogression after having been reborn in the Pure Land in the West, and they will then certainly reach the state of enlightenment. It should, however, be noted that Chin’gai especially seems to have the conviction that those who once longed to be reborn to the Pure Land can never backslide from the stage of nonretrogression. This notion can be regarded as a theory of nonretrogression in the present life, explicitly described in the Smaller Sukhāvatīvyūha-sūtra.

Considering Chin’gai’s argument in chapter 3 of his treatise, it can be said that, by referring to some passages from the Smaller Sukhāvatīvyūha-sūtra in Kumārajīva’s and Xuanzang’s translations, he tries to assure those who presume that they can enter the stage of nonretrogression only after having been reborn, and cannot attain religious faith in the present world, that they can dwell in the stage of nonretrogression even in the present life. By underlining this assertion, he aims to eventually lead more people to the teachings of Amitābha.

At Amida-dō, I found ornamental objects which seem to have been gilded on ironware. Of course, it is impossible to alloy iron and gold. Until now, it had been thought that the iron objects, which must be load bearing, received only applications such as lacquer for rust-proofed. The discovery of this gilt object from the ancient Amida-dō poses a major scientific and technological problem, and at the same time it is necessary to discuss its meaning in the context of the Amida-dō. What is more, in a symbolic place in the same Amida-dō I found a Buddha statue with a slightly open mouth.

As an approach to considering these issues, with an eye on the individual and the component parts, that is, the composite, I will outline my understanding of the relationship between worship as a religious institution and and reception, including meaning, usage, worship, and devotional visits, that is, the relationship between understanding according to visual effects, including creation and movement, and physical activty.

I found that the early form of Amida-dō acceptance was largely related to the ideas of Zendou transmitted to the southern capital, and that the awareness of Amida’s deathbed visit （raigo） was reflected in ths construction of the building.

In this paper, I describe the characteristics of Pure Land Buddhism during the Insei era, and consider the related the Ōjō jūin 往生拾因. During the Insei era, Buddhism flourished and Pure Land became popular.

In the Pure Land teachings of the Insei era, devotees vowed to be born into the Pure Land and prayed that if they could not, they would be reborn three times until they achieved birth in the Pure Land. The essence of this did not lie in the single devoted practice of chanting nenbutsu but rather the idea of birth in the Pure Land by doing good deeds through various practices.

The Ōjō jūin emphasizes chanting a large number of repetitions of the nenbutsu. It recognizes the practice of chanting nenbutsu one million times as a penance. Miyoshi Tameyasū 三善為康 （1049-1139） and Fujiwara Yorinaga 藤原頼長 （1033-1111）, who lived in the same era as Eikan 永観 （1033-1111）, belonged to the upper ranks of society as aristocrats.

However, the Ōjō jūin shows the way of life of Kyōsin 教信 （?-886） who belonged to the lower ranks. The aspect of altruism of nenbutsu is emphasized there. The same era also produced Eikan’s Ōjō lecture Ōjō-kō 往生講 and the one-hundred-day nenbutsu practice at Gangō-ji temple 元興寺百日念仏講.

The tale of Chikō 智光 （770-?） and Raikō 頼光 （?-?） of Gangō-ji was quoted in the Ōjō jūin, and the one-hundred-day nenbutsu practice at Ganko-ji was theorized.

Based on the Pure Land Buddhism of the Ōjō yōshū 往生要集, a Pure Land Buddhism that responds to the times can be seen.

There are obvious disparities between the titles and their corresponding contents in the Kōfukuji Sōjō drafted by Jōkei貞慶 （1155-1213）, especially in Articles 8 and 9.

The title of Article 8 reads ‘negligence that damages the Buddhist sect due to breaking or rejecting the Buddhist precepts.’ The actual content, however, describes the problem of ‘intentionally breaking’ them.

The title of Article 9 reads ‘criticising senshu nenbutsu 専修念仏 （devoting oneself to chanting Buddhist prayers）,’ which does not carry the idea of the state’s spiritual protection. The actual content states, however, that there is a risk of the attitude of senshu nenbutsu leading to established Buddhist sects being prosecuted and expelled in the future.

In submitting the Kōfukuji Sōjō, Jōkei used the content written in the petition to suppress acts that could lead to the destruction of Buddhism, the fate implied in a part of senshu nenbutsu. Concurrently, he tried to placate the anger of the disciples and the sangō goshi 三綱五師 （three monks in charge of the management of a temple and five monks in charge of office works in a temple） of the Kōfukuji Temple with misleading titles and to resolve the issue legally in the form of submitting a petition.

Hōnen （1133-1212） interprets Amida’s Pure Land presented in the Section of Nine Grades of Birth in the Sūtra of Contemplation on the Buddha of Immeasurable Life as a reward land （hōdo報土）. Based on this understanding of the Pure Land, he recommends nembutsu practitioners aspire to be born in the upper grade, upper birth （jōbon jōshō上品上生）, as birth “enclosed in a lotus bud” is not discussed in this section of the sūtra, and practitioners can instantaneously fulfill their wish to save all living beings upon their birth. For Hōnen the “border land” （henji辺地） and “womb birth” （taishō胎生） discussed in the Larger Sukhāvatīvyūha Sūtra are outside of the Pure Land （reward land） as presented in the Contemplation Sūtra. He also seems to intentionally ignore Shandao’s interpretation of birth “enclosed in a lotus bud” found in the latter’s commentary on grades of birth in the Contemplation Sūtra, in which Shandao understands that the border land and womb birth are part of Amida’s Pure Land.

Among Hōnen’s disciples, those who emphasize the significance of Other Power, namely Shinran （1173-1262）, Ryūkan隆寛 （1148-1227）, Shōkū証空 （1177-1247）, and Kōsai幸西 （1163-1247）, thought that birth enclosed in a lotus bud is in the same realm of the Pure Land as the border land and womb birth. They believed that birth enclosed in a lotus bud, the border land, and womb birth are all within the reward land （the Pure Land with nine grades of birth） established by the accomplishment of Amida’s Original Vows, which is the “land of skillful means to guide practitioners to the true reward land.” With this stance, the Pure Land thinkers demonstrate a path of salvation for those born in the border land through Other Power, one not clearly presented in Hōnen’s writings.

On the other hand, Benchō弁長 （1162-1238）, who emphasizes the significance of self-power practices, understood that birth enclosed in a lotus bud, border land, and womb birth exist outside of the Pure Land’s nine grades of birth （reward land）. In a fashion similar to Hōnen, he did not mention birth enclosed in a lotus bud when he discussed the nine grades of birth. He also did not present a path of salvation for those born in the border land. Chōsai長西 （1184-1266）, who also recongnized the significance of self-power practices, seems to have given weight to birth in a lotus bud by suggesting that it is a necessary part of the process for practitioners to attain birth in the Pure Land. Benchō and Chōsai shared the doctrinal standpoint that practitioners should aim to attain the superior state within the nine grades of birth （in an open lotus flower） by performing superior practices. They also agreed that the moment of birth in the reward land （the moment of the opening of the lotus bud） is a necessary point that must be passed through in order to further attain the higher stages of the bodhisattva.

In this paper I study the Ensai ganmon ゑんさい願文, a composition of the Kamakura period （1185-1333）, and discuss the Pure Land beliefs of that time. The Ensai ganmon were encorporated inside the image of Maitreya Bodhisattva of Shōmyōji Temple 称名寺, established by Hōjō Sanetoki 北条実時 （1224-1276）. The Ensai ganmon was written by the wife of Sanetoki, one of the daughters of Hōjō Masamura北条政村 （1205-1273）.

The ganmon or votive text states that one should perform good Buddhist deeds based on the vows of Amida Buddha 阿弥陀仏. In addition to preaching the Jōdo sect of Buddhism, Shōmyōji also taught the Shingonritsu 真言律 of Eizon 叡尊 （1201-1290）. Therefore, the Ensai ganmon contained teachings that were a fusion of Shingonritsu and Pure Land Buddhism.

Shinran in his Kyōgyōshinshō （“Chapter on Practice,” section on Great Practice）, after citing certain of Shandao’s texts and presenting his own interpretation of the six-character Name of Amida Buddha, subsequently cites passages from Fazhao’s Jingtu wuhui nianfo lüe fashiyizan浄土五会念仏略法事儀讃. Since Fazhao was called the “Latter Shandao” （hou Shandao 後善導）, it is possible that Shinran took Fazhao’s words to be in fact Shandao’s.

The fact that the Jingtu wuhui nianfo lüe fashiyizan was important for understanding Shandao’s nianfo thought can already be seen in the writings of Hōnen and his disciple Seikaku聖覚 （1167-1235）. However, the point of difference between Shinran on the one hand and Hōnen and Seikaku on the other lies in their different appraisals of the text of the Jingtu wuhui nianfo lüe fashiyizan as signifying the teaching of Amida’s Seventeenth Vow.

Shandao’s view of nianfo practice is characterized by his strong emphasis on vocal recitation of the Buddha’s Name, but it was Fazhao who popularized this practice of vocal nianfo to a broader audience. Fazhao invented the ritual of five styles of recitation of the Buddha’s Name （wuhui nianfo 五会念仏） and widely promoted Shandao’s vocal nianfo practice to the general public. Therefore, I believe that Shinran cites the Jingtu wuhui nianfo lüe fashiyizan in the Kyōgyōshinshō together with other passages of Shandao in the same flow of citations because he understood that Fazhao’s writings further elucidated Shandao’s view of nianfo practice.

This paper clarifies one aspect of the relationship between the section on Other-Power 他力 and the section on the One Vehicle in the chapter on practice （‘Gyō no maki’ 行巻） in the Kyōgyōshinshō 教行信証. Focusing on the quotation of a passage by Yuanzhao 元照, this paper argues that Shinran offers a passage from the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra, which is quoted in both the section on Other-Power and the section on the One Vehicle, as the “realization of awakening” in the Pure Land. It also argues that Shinran offers the single path （ichidō 一道） as the path based on the power of Amida Nyorai’s Original Vow by quoting a passage from the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra first in the section on Other-Power and then in the section on the One Vehicle.

Shinran is known as a dōsō 堂僧 （“hall monk”） of the Jōgyōdō 常行堂 at Hieizan Enryakuji Temple. However, in fact, Shinran’s practice and study at Hieizan have not been researched in detail. One reason is that there are no historical sources on 13th century Hieizan.

I believe that it is possible to examine this issue by using historical records and sources of other Tendai temples of that time. In this paper, first, I show fundamental characteristics of the dōsō from my earlier articles. From these, it became clear that Shinran practiced as a dōsō based on the Pure Land teaching of Amida before he met Hōnen.

Second, I consider one of the annual events held on Hieizan in the fall, the yama no nembutsu 山の念仏 or fudan nembutsu service 不断念仏会 from a historical source, the Rinnōji records 輪王寺文書. What became clear from this consideration was the importance of Ennin 円仁 in the Tendai Jōdo sect and the esoteric elements in the Jōgyōdō.

Shinran uses the expression “gonke no nin” 権化の仁 in the general preface to the Kyōgyōshinshō 教行信証. Previous studies have understood gonke to refer to the characters in the Kangyō 観経 （Pure Land Contemplation Sūtra）, such as Ajātaśatru 阿闍世, Devadatta 提婆達多 and Vaidehī 韋提希. But Shandao 善導 considered Vaidehī not to be a saint （ārya, 聖）, but an ordinary person （pṛthagjana, 凡夫）. Why did Shinran, in contrast, understand Vaidehī to be a saint? In the first place, many of Hōnen’s disciples considered Vaidehī to be a bodhisattva. There are also sūtras that teach that Vaidehī is a saint. Furthermore, Buddhists of the Kamakura period believed that meeting the Buddha would be difficult even for bodhisattvas. On the basis of these points, I think that the Pure Land Buddhists of the Kamakura period recognized that those who could not meet the Buddha were ordinary persons. That is why Shinran called Vaidehī a saint, as she was the cause that led to Pure Land Buddhism being preached.

One of the characteristics of Zonkaku’s 存覚 （1290-1373） Rokuyōshō 六要鈔, which has had a major influence on the formation of the doctrinal studies of the Hongwanji 本願寺 tradition, is that the text contains various citations of Silla scholars’ Pure Land literature. In past studies, it has been pointed out that the Rokuyōshō’s quotations of the Wuliangshoujing yishu 無量寿経義疏 authored by the Chinese monk Jingyingsi Huiyuan 浄影寺慧遠 are taken from the Muryōjukyōshō 無量寿経鈔 by the Japanese monk Ryōe 了慧 （1243-1330）. However, by comparing the Silla Pure Land literature cited in the interpretations of passages of the Larger Sukhāvatīvyūha sūtra, we see substantial differences between Ryōe’s Muryōjukyōshō and Zonkaku’s Rokuyōshō. This study shows that while Ryōe focuses on Huiyuan in making his interpretations, Zonkaku actively incorporates and emphasizes the interpretations of the Silla monks Ŭijŏk 義寂 and Kyŏnghŭng 憬興.

Onatsu Sosei Monogatari おなつ蘇甦物語, the “Story of Onatsu’s resurrection,” was written in the middle of the Edo period to convert people to Jōdo Shinshū. Onatsu, who had become a faithful follower of this doctrine, died and was revived the following day. After her revival, she talked about her visit to the Pure Land during her death experience. Today, for unknown reasons, several prints and various manuscripts of this story exist. In this study, I clarify that this story’s description of the Pure Land is based on the Kanagaki Eiri Ōjō yōshū 仮名書き絵入往生要集, “Illustrated Japanese language Essentials of Rebirth in the Pure Land.” Moreover, the following questions are considered: Where did this story’s conception originate? How was this story disseminated? What did people at that time think about life after death?

This paper examines the meaning of the understanding of two forms of directing merit in the works of Senshōin Senmyō 専精院鮮妙 （1835-1914）. Compared to the understanding of the traditional two forms of directing merit, Senmyō’s understanding has a difference. First, I compare the understanding of the traditional two forms of directing merit and the understanding of two forms of directing merit in Senmyō. From this I confirm that Senmyō tends to place emphasis on Amida Buddha’s directing of virtue when Senmyō expounds the two aspects of going forth and returning. Then, by considering the difference of the two gateways of entrance and emergence and the two aspects for our going forth and our return, I find the meaning of Senmyō’s understanding of the two forms of directing merit. In conclusion, this paper suggests that Senmyō’s understanding of the two forms of directing merit is important in showing that the two aspects of going forth and returning belong to the virtues of emergence.

This study is about the differences between the Sōtō sect’s gokan no ge 五観偈 and that of the Rinzai, with considerations based on their historical transitions and how they were inherited down to the present day. The gokan no ge are the five verses recited before the meals in Zen institutions. The present study focuses on the third of the five in order to look at the differences in interpretation of the Sōtō and Rinzai sects. I focus on the basic version of the Chinese Nanshan 南山 Vinaya master 律宗 Daoxuan’s 道宣 gokan no ge. I clarify that the present day Sōtō understanding corresponds to that of Daoxuan, while the Rinzai does not.

Next I have examine two works composed by medieval Rinzai monks, the Chokushu hyakujō shingi Untō-shō 勅修百丈清規雲桃抄 and the Nichiyō shingi Shōun-shō 日用清規笑雲抄, both of which convey an understanding in line with the Sōtō interpretation. The present day Rinzai sect’s interpretation first appeared in the Shoekō shingishiki 諸回向清規式, published in the early Edo period, and this was accepted by the sect thereafter. However, Muchaku Dōchū 無著道忠 of the Myōshin-ji mentioned in his Shosōrin ryakushingi 小叢林略清規 interpretations quite similar to those of the present day Sōtō. Moreover, from the situations of Edo period Sōtō, both the interpretations of Dōgen and the Nichiyō shingi Shōun-shō seem to have become mixed, with no definite interpretations for the Third Passage. At least by the end of the Edo period, there was no definitive or sectarian interpretation of this text. It was only during the Meiji period that the different sectarian interpretations came to be accepted by the Sōtō and the Rinzai, and their respective different interpretations were developed gradually.

Kōzōin Nisshin 広蔵院日辰 （1508-1576）, who was active in Kyoto during the Sengoku Period, was a well-known scholar monk of the Nichizon monryū school 日尊門流 of the Nichiren sect, and he left many books for the education of the school. This article focuses on an unpublished volume called Ryakunirongi 略二論義 by Nisshin that is kept at the Yōbō-ji 要法寺 in Kyoto, the head temple of the Nichizon monryū school. The Ryakunirongi, a work of discussions on the Lotus Sūtra, is a simplified version of the six volumes of the Kaishakukenpon Hokke nirongi tokuishō 開迹顕本法華二論義得意抄 （also known as Nirongishō 二論義抄）, Nisshin’s representative work, which was completed in July 1560. While the Nirongishō explains the contents of the doctrine in detail, the Ryakunirongi was compiled on the assumption that it would be used in debates （rongi 論義） held in public. In such debates, which are ceremonies as well as training for younger monks, it is necessary to ask and answer questions on each chapter of the sūtra for a number of days, and attend lectures. In this article, I consider the formal features of the Ryakunirongi, which was compiled with consideration for the constraints accompanying the actual situation of the debates.

After the death of Nichiren （1222-1282）, the history of Nichiren Buddhism doctrinal study in the early modern period was characterized by a shift from the adoption of Japanese medieval Tendai doctrinal thought to Chinese early Tiantai doctrinal study since the Azuchi-Momoyama period. The presence of Ichinyoin Nichijū 一如院日重 （1549-1623） was significant in this era.

The origins of Nichijū’s doctrinal thought have traditionally been thought to lie in the Sankō mushi-e三光無師会 lectures held by Busshinin Nichikō 仏心院日珖 （1532-1598） and others. However, the substance of the Sankō mushi-e is unknown.

I have extracted the descriptions of the Sankō mushi-e lectures found in Nichijū’s Kenmonguanki 見聞愚案記, according to the historical fact that Nichijū participated in the Sankō mushi-e. As a result, it is confirmed that lectures on Tendai studies, scripture reading, and the interpretation of the Lotus Sūtra were held at the Sankō mushi-e. In particular, it can be pointed out that the lectures on Tendai studies were an examination of Chinese early Tiantai doctrinal study, focusing on the three major commentaries of the Tiantai school, Mohe zhiguan 摩訶止觀, Fahua xianyi 法華玄義 and Fahua wenju 法華文句.

Nagamatsu Nissen 長松日扇 （Seifu 清風, 1817-1890）, who organized the Honmon Butsuryūshū 本門佛立宗, developed a form of religious propagation focusing on the daimoku 題目, Namu Myōhō Renge Kyō 南無妙法蓮華経. Shigyō Kaishū 執行海秀 （1907-1968） pointed out that the “Shōdai 唱題 absolutism” （concentration only on the daimoku） of Nissen is remarkably seen in activities in the late period of Nissen’s life.

Focusing on Shigyō’s idea, we here examine Shōdai absolutism using the term kugō shōi 口業正意 as a clue. We find that Shōdai absolutism is seen in the religious propagation activities not only in Nissen’s late period but also earlier, spanning the entire period of Nissen’s religious propagation activities.

One essential resource for the study of the propagation of the Nichirenshū in the modern age is newspapers and magazines published by the sect or by those involved in the sect. When Japan embarked on new Meiji period, the world of Buddhism was forced to undergo a big change due to the government’s policy of establishing Shintō as the State Religion. But at the same time, Buddhism was influenced by many different factors brought from abroad as well. These included intangible things such as ideas and culture, which inspired each sect of Buddhism to adapt new forms of propagation. One of these forms was propagation with written materials. Although propagation of Buddhism using written materials had been common up until the Edo period, the style of propagation dramatically changed along with modernization promoted by each sect in the Meiji era. While there was a transformation of system or institutions in the background, one of the causes of the change was the introduction of new publishing technology, which made mass publication of journals possible. In such a situation, publication of different propagation journals by the Nichiren sect and those involved with it started in the Meiji period even before the new journal Nichirenshugi was published in the Shōwa era. This paper discusses the way Buddhism was propagated using written materials in the early Shōwa period through an examination of Nichirenshugi.

This paper reveals the actual conditions of Kegon studies in the Kaidan’in 戒壇院 sub-temple of the Tōdaiji 東大寺 temple during the Nanbokuchō 南北朝 period, which have been hardly discussed, through examining newly discovered manuscripts.

Myōchibō Jōyo 明智房盛誉 （1273-1362）, who belonged to the Kaidan’in sub-temple, was one of the most influential monks of the Tōdaiji during the Nanbokuchō period. The Muchūgi 夢中戯 written by him is a record of doctrinal debate （dangi 談義） held in the Kaidanin. The library of the Tōdaiji currently possesses twenty-three manuscripts of this Muchūgi. While Jōyo follows the interpretations of the Kegon doctrine by Kegon monks of the Kamakura 鎌倉 period such as Sōshō宗性 （1202-1278） and Gyōnen 凝然 （1240-1321）, he also offers his unique view.

In this paper, I investigate a doctrinal question in the Muchūgi: “is the realm of enlightenment put into words?” （kabun setsuhi 果分説否）. Through my investigation, I attempt to reveal that Kegon monks during the Nanbokuchō period developed new interpretations while remaining deeply influenced by the doctrines of Chengguan 澄観 （738-839） and Shingon Buddhism, which explain that the realm of enlightenment can be put into words.

The Kumeda Temple 久米田寺 in Izumi Province belongs to the Todaiji Kaidan-in lineage. From the time Gyōnen’s凝然 （1240-1321） disciple Zenni禅爾 （1252-1325） was the head priest, Kegon doctrine was freely studied there. This was documented in such doctrinal discourse materials as Jōyo’s盛誉 （1273-1362） Kegon tekagami華厳手鏡, and Tannei’s湛睿 （1271-1364） Kodai kagushō 古題加愚抄 and Muchūgi夢中戯.

The debates conducted by Jōyo and Tannei at Kumeda Temple were organized into a fixed formula of two questions and two answers, with follow-up questions supplementing criticism. With these discourses they conducted an elaborate interpretation of the Perfect Teaching 円教 of Kegon.

Many priests from a variety of schools gathered at Kumeda Temple, and exchange with Shingon doctrine thrived there. It is for that reason that the doctrinal discourse that developed at Kumeda Temple shares similar points of interest and subjects of debate with other schools.

This paper focuses on the debate surrounding the subject of “That Aspect is the Path” 当相即道, which deals with the relation of mental afflictions and the bodhi mind. Through an analysis of that debate we clarify the influence of Shingon thought, as well as trace how doctrinal debate of the Kaidan-in lineage was formed.

This study presents an introduction to, and clarifies the features of, the Shinpuku-ji manuscript Kegon hokkai gikyō 華厳法界義鏡, written by the Todai-ji monk Gyōnen 凝然 （1240-1321） in the Kamakura period.

The Hokkai gikyō was written in Einin 3 （1295） at the Kaidan-in of Todai-ji, when Gyōnen was 56 years old. There are only two extant manuscripts, both of which are owned by the Todai-ji- library: the Tenshō 18 （1590） two-volume manuscript, and the Tenshō 2 （1574） first volume. The Tensho 18 work later became the source of the Genroku 8 （1695） printed edition, and this edition became the source for the Dai Nihon Bukkyō Zensho and the Nihon Daizōkyō that are currently in circulation.

At present, apart from these manuscripts, it has been newly revealed that the Shinpuku-ji manuscript owned by the Ōsu Kannon Hōshō-in Ōsu-bunko大須観音宝生院大須文庫 collection in Nagoya City is the Gyōnen shimpitsu-bon 真筆本, that is, it is an autograph of Gyōnen. Further, it has also become clear that this is the draft-manuscript of the Hokkai gikyō. After writing it, Gyōnen made copies twice in order to present it to Shōchū 聖忠 （1268-1391）, the Todai-ji Tonan-in 東南院 head monk, and to his nephew Jitsuen 実円. Among these, the copy presented to Jitsuen is the source of the Hokkai gikyō included in the current series of publications. In the Shinpuku-ji manuscript, the yomiten （punctuation marks） and the okurigana （kana reading of the Kanji characters） were added by Gyōnen himself, and there are many readings that are different from those in the abovementioned two manuscripts. One is presented with a perspective that is different from the conventional one, if one follows these kundoku or Japanese readings of the Kanji characters.

In this study, I present a part of the kundoku and interpretations of a Shinpuku-ji manuscript in conjunction with the various manuscripts of Hokkai gikyō, identifying issues in the sources.

In Fujiwara no Michinaga’s 藤原道長 Midō kanpaku-ki 御堂関白記 and Fuijwara no Sanesuke’s Shōyū- ki 小右記, diaries written in the second half of the tenth to the first half of the eleventh century, shuzen 修善 refers to esoteric Buddhist rituals （shuhō 修法） for worldly benefits.

In Minamoto no Toshifusa’s 源俊房 Suisa-ki 水左記 and Fujiwara no Moromichi’s 藤原師通 Gonijō Moromichi-ki 後二条師通記, both of which are from the second half of the eleventh century, there are fewer instances of this word. These texts use shuhō or rituals’ individual names to refer to Buddhist rituals carried out with the same aim as shuzen. This was because shuzen ceased to vaguely refer to esoteric Buddhist rituals during the latter half of the eleventh century, as a result of two factors. First, esoteric Buddhist rituals became common among Heian period aristocrats. Second, due to the spread of views regarding Pure Land rebirth, people became conscious of zengyō 善業― “good acts”―for rebirth in the Pure Land, affecting the semantic content of zen, the character shared by shuzen and zengyō.

In the Enoshima engi 江島縁起, famous monks witness the hierophany of Shōjin Benzai-ten 生身弁才天. This study considers two issues related to this topic.

First, in the Enoshima engi, the words shōjin 生身 and shinjin 真身 are used interchangeably. Medieval narratives in Japan contain several examples in which the two words are used in this manner. The Enoshima-engi may have been influenced by this tendency.

Second, the Enoshima engi quotes the Annen Kashō-ki 安然和尚記. Similar sentences are found in many places in the Keiran Shūyōshū 渓嵐拾葉集, in quotations of passages attributed to Annen 安然. As a result, the author of the Enoshima engi, who respected Annen, adopted this idea. Thus, the Enoshima engi not only quotes the Annen Kashō-ki but also emphasizes Shōjin Benzai-ten in the parts that were written about other monks, such as En no Gyōja 役行者and Kūkai 空海.

Hirokawa Kōzen広川弘禅 （1902-1967）, who served as Minister of Agriculture and Fisheries under Prime Minister Shigeru Yoshida 吉田茂 （1878-1967） during the chaotic period after the war, was born as a successor to Ryūsawa Temple竜沢寺, a Sōtō establishment in Fukushima Prefecture, and studied at the current Setagaya Gakuen High School and Komazawa University. I approach him not only as a parliamentary politician, but also as a Zen priest.

I pay attention to such things as his attendance, in 1956, along with Kusaba Ryūen草葉隆円 （1895-1966） and Andō Kaku安藤覚 （1899-1967）, at the “Buddha’s 2500th Anniversary Celebration” held in Thailand, his installation on the roof of the Aoba Gakuen of a relic of the Buddha during his time as director of the school, and his activities as a Zen priest.

In 1952, in the magazine Bungei Shunjū 文芸春秋, he was interviewed by Otis Cary in an article entitled “Monster named Hirokawa Kōzen” （広川弘禅という怪物） in which he is quoted as saying, “Japanese culture is nothing except Buddhist culture. 97% of the national treasures are related to Buddhism. … Japan’s democracy has been clear since the period of the Buddhist articulation that discrimination is equality and equality discrimination差別即平等, 平等即差別.” Concerning the Sekai Bukkyōto kaigi 世界仏教徒会議, he said, “To tell the truth, you must do it in Sanskrit or Pāli; It’s stupid to do it in English.”

I would like to pursue Kōzen’s appearance as a Zen priest from the testimonies of people who interacted with him during his lifetime.

This study examines the religious origin of the Tagahōin-ryū 多賀法印流, a medical school which flourished in the early 17th century. It was founded by Shūyo Hōin 宗与法印 （?- 1654）, a priest of the Taga Taisha shrine多賀大社. Various Buddhist ideas can be found in the medical publications of the school. In this study, focus is placed on three points, and it is demonstrated that Tagahōin-ryū medicine is actually based on preceding Buddhist medicine traditions. First, attention is paid to ideas about the cause of illness regarded as the outcome of one’s state of mind. Second, belief in Yakushi Nyorai 薬師如来 is noticed. Offering proper treatment is what doctors are trained for, and the treatment itself is protected by Yakushi. The third point stresses the Buddhist interpretation of fetal growth in the mother’s womb. The foetus is said to grow under the protection of thirteen buddhas. These three points are very similar to what is found in Kajiwara Shōzen’s 梶原性全 （1265-1337） Ton’ishō 頓医抄 and Dairyū’s 大龍 Sanken I’chisho 三賢一致書 （1649）. Considering the above, it is thus clear that the idea of the Tagahōin-ryū is based on the tradition of Buddhist medicine.

Composed by Yuanzhao元照 （1048-1116）, known as the Vinaya master who revived the Nanshan school during the Northern Song dynasty, the Shejiezhonglei-tu 摂戒種類図 had been thought to have been lost. During a recent investigation of Tokuda Myōhon’s 徳田明本 collection at the Denkō-ji 伝香寺 in Nara, I discovered another manuscript of the text. This paper contains the full text based on this manuscript and a comparison with an alternative manuscript owned by the Tōshōdaiji-ji 唐招提寺.

The Shejiezhonglei-tu was finished by Yuanzhao in 1092, and the Denkō-ji manuscript was copied in the Edo period by Gaen-bō Chigaku 我円房智岳 （?-1690）, a priest of the Makio-san Byōdō shinno-in the Saimyō-ji 槙尾山平等心王院西明寺.

Yuanzhao’s argument in this work is that the 250 precepts listed in the Dharmaguptaka Vinaya are structured in such a way that the four pārājikas （sexual behavior, stealing, murder, and lying about one’s spiritual attainments） contain all of the remaining 246 precepts. As a result, Yuanzhao’s assertion that it is enough to observe the four pārājikas can be considered to have had a great influence on Japanese Buddhism. Due to the limitations of the space available here, further details will be presented in a separate paper.

Hida Shūzan飛田周山 （1877-1945） was a modern Japanese painter and a student of Okakura Tenshin 岡倉天心 （1862-1913）. Like Okakura, Hida also had an aesthetic eye and had a valuable collection of old Japanese manuscripts. The oldest in the collection are from the Nara period.

In an art magazine called Zokei Geijutu 造形芸術 published in 1940, Hida introduced his collection with photographs and commentary. The collection includes the Zhu Niepan jing 註涅槃経, but unfortunately there is no information about its author.

In this article, I examine the characteristics from the photograph of the Zhu Niepan jing in Hida’s collection, and reach the conclusion that there is a good possibility that this belongs to the series of the Tang prefectural govenor Wei Shen韋諗 （early 8th c.） copied in the Nara Tempyō period.

Non-retrogression （avinivartanīya） is indicated as the stage that should be the goal in the practical path of a bodhisattva. However, as stated in Lamotte 1965, the word avinivartanīya in Mahāyāna texts is ambiguous due to its multiple meanings. In order to clarify the semantic content of this non-retrogression, this paper focuses on the classification of non-retrogression shown in the Da zhidu lun. Funahashi 1973, Lamotte 1965/1976, and Gilks 2010 have already pointed out that there are two kinds of non-retrogression in the Da zhidu lun. However, since there are differences in the kinds of non-retrogression they pointed out, I re-examine non-retrogression in the Da zhidu lun.

All three kinds of non-retrgression pointed out by the three scholars are confirmed in the Da zhidu lun: （1） non-retrogression from the mind that aspires to enlightenment （bodhicitta） or from vyākaraṇa; （2） non-retrogression with the same meaning as the freedom from retrogression achieved in the darśana-mārga; and （3） non-retrogression of the avinivartanīya bhūmi, which means never regressing to the stage of śrāvaka or pratyekabuddha. In addition, （1） is only indicated from the perspective of a Buddha who is equipped with spiritual powers （abhijñā）, and is considered to be a non-retrogression of which the practitioner cannot be aware.

This paper aims to examine the development of the discussions regarding whether to recognize the existence of the two vehicles in the writings of Zhizang 智蔵 （458-522） and Sengmin 僧旻 （467-527）. By examining the fragments of works by Zhizang and Sengmin quoted in Sanlun 三論 （Three Treatises） literature, this study reveals how the two vehicles are interpreted as leading all sentient beings to attain buddhahood.

Although Zhizang initially recognized the concept of two vehicles, later he argued that two vehicles were just of nominal value, and their true essence was none other than the bodhisattva. While Sengmin accepted the two vehicles including the śrāvakas, he claimed that they later transformed and were incorporated in the Mahāyāna. Regardless of whether one accepts the two vehicles, based on the theory of equating the elimination of four abiding delusions as kleśa in the Mahāyāna with the elimination of delusion in regard to seeing reality and conceptual thinking as kleśa in the Hīnayāna, the arhat ranking system in the two vehicles practices was interpretated in such a way that the tenth stage of Huayan was converted to the seventh stage. Based on this view of Zhizang and Sengmin, while Jizang吉蔵 （549-623） formulated the theory of two types of śrāvakas dividing real-practice and provisional-practice, the point of contact in the stages of arhat and bodhisattva practice was reduced to ten stages of faith.

In the three Pure Land sūtras, especially in the Wuliang shoujing 無量寿経, true discourse appears in the eighteenth vow and the passage declaring its fulfillment, while expedient discourses can be found in the nineteenth and twentieth vow and the passages declaring their fulfillment which describe three grades of birth in the Pure Land and a kind of birth in the Pure Land for those who doubt the Buddha’s wisdom. How does Tanluan 曇鸞, the pioneer of Other-power Pure Land Buddhism based on the three Pure Land sūtras, understand these discourses about birth in the Pure Land? In this paper, I discuss the way birth in Amida’s Pure Land is presented in the works of Tanluan, especially the Jingtu lunzhu 浄土論註 and the Luelun anle jingtuyi 略論安楽浄土義, from the perspective of true and expedient discourses, and I show that both discourses are necessary to clarify the meaning of ordinary people’s birth into the Pure Land of Amida Buddha.

If one compares the Discourse on the Pure Land （Jingtu lun 浄土論）, the Commentary on the Discourse on Birth （Wangsheng lunzhu 往生論註） and Shinran’s writings, one finds differences in their doctrinal interpretations. Thereby, we can identify the historical development of Pure Land doctrine. Previous scholarship on these texts has variously interpreted these differences. Focusing on the idea of “being benefitted by the Other” and “benefitting others” （tari rita 他利利他）, we can find the seed of the development of Shinran’s theory of directing of virtue to sentient beings by the Other Power of Amida Buddha. However, Shinran’s ideas differ from the original intention of Tanluan, author of the Commentary on the Discourse on Birth.

In this paper, I consider the interpretation of the tetralemma 四句分別 in Jizang’s 吉蔵 Huayan youyi華厳遊意. In the Huayan youyi a total of 19 types of tetralemma are described, and in a total of 23 places the ideas of Jinajin 法朗, Jizang’s master, are also introduced. The logical structure of the traditional theory of the the Sanlun school 三論, based on the Buddhāvataṃsaka-sūtra 華厳経, penetrates the Huayan youyi, and the influence of the ideas of Jinajin is significant. Such a logical structure is rarely found in other works and it has become clear that this is a unique feature of the Huayan youyi.

In this study, I examine why Shandao 善導 discussed the practice of repentance in the context of hell in his Fashi zan 法事讃. First, in examining the use of the term “hell” in Shandao’s works, it is seen that he almost always discusses hell in terms of the practice of nianfo 念仏or birth in Amida Buddha’s Pure Land, and it is only in the Fashi zan that he connects hell with the practice of repentance. Further, despite the fact that the moment of death is discussed in the Fashi zan, Shandao does not link the realms of hell to the moment of death or nianfo practice. The purpose of a detailed description of the realms of hell in the Fashi zan was certainly to create a context to enhance the practitioner’s aspiration for birth in Amida’s Pure Land. However, that alone does not explain why Shandao discussed repentance in the context of hell only in the Fashi zan and not in his other works. Thus, here I reexamine the relationship between repentance and hell in Shandao’s Fashi zan by looking at his understanding of sin. As a result, I show that his detailed explanation of hell is necessary to establish the foundations of repentance practice.

According to the description of the Cheng Weishi lun shujij 成唯識論述記 of Ji基 （Kuiji 窺基） of the Chinese Faxiang school, and the Fodi jinglun 仏地経論 translated by Xuanzang, it is said that the existence of the Buddha’s original vow本願 allows sentient beings to hear the teachings of the Buddha. In this paper, we examine its interpretation based on the theory of vijñaptimātratā.

In the Fodi jinglun, it is said that sentient beings listen to the Buddha’s preaching because of the “strong connection” 強縁 of the Buddha’s original vow. In this era or earlier, Shandao 善導, the Chinese Pure Land patriarch, is the only one who refers to the Buddha’s vow as strong connection, except for the translation of Xuanzang. Therefore, it is possible that Shandao referred to the Fodi jinglun.

The Liumiaomen 六妙門 was preached by Zhiyi 智顗 and positioned as a work that clarifies the buding zhiguan 不定止観 （indeterminate cessation and contemplation meditation）. This paper compares the contents of the Liumiaomen with other works of Zhiyi. As a result, a new significance of the Liumiaomen was revealed. I point out that it is necessary to examine whether the assignment of the Liumiaomen to the buding zhiguan is really due to the intention of Zhiyi.

Kācilindi（ka） 迦隣提 and cakravāka 鴛鴦 are names of birds of the same species. In English, these birds are called the Mandarin duck. They are described in the Mahāparinirvāṇa mahāsūtra as a metaphor called the Two Birds Metaphor 二鳥喩. Since kācilindi and cakravāka indicate the same bird, these two names are inseparable or equal. The sūtra uses the metaphor to demonstrate the fundamental truth that impermanence 無常 and permanence 常 are inseparable.

Based on this metaphor, Zhiyi 智顗 （538-597）, the founder of Chinese Tiantai, uses the phrase èr niǎo jù yóu 二鳥倶遊 to describe cháng wúcháng bùdé xiānglí 常無常不得相離 in his commentary on the Vimalakīrtinirdeśa, Weimo jing wenshu 維摩経文疏.

Incidentally, the Mandarin duck is known as a creature whose males and females always move together. Therefore, yuānyang 鴛鴦, the Chinese translation of cakravāka, includes the meanings of both male and female Mandarin ducks. But given the nature of this creature, it is unclear what the two birds are meant to represent for Zhiyi. In other words, it can be understood that Zhiyi expected not kācilindi and cakravāka but a male bird and a female when he referred to èr niǎo jù yóu.

To conclude, Guanding 灌頂 （561-632）, the second patriarch of the Tiantai and a pupil of Zhiyi, understood the two birds as male and female in his commentary on the Mahāparinirvāṇa mahāsūtra, Da banniepan jing shu 大般涅槃経疏. The understanding of Guanding differs from that of the sūtra itself, since the sutra describes kācilindi and cakravāka as two different birds. This change can be pointed out as one aspect of the scholastic transition from Zhiyi to Guanding.

In the controversy about interpretations of Tiantai doctrine in the Song, referred to as the Shanjia-Shanwai山家山外 debates, the problems concerning the relationship between Three Thousand appearances 三千法 and Three Truths （the Truths of Emptiness空諦, of Provisional Positing仮諦, and of the Middle中諦） was an important topic. Zhachuan Renyue 霅川仁岳 （992-1064） and Shenzhi Congyi 神智従義 （1042-1091）, usually positioned as masters of the Later Shanwai group 後山外派, offered sharp criticism of Siming Chili’s 四明知礼 （960-1028） theory, and argued that the Three Thousand appearances must belong in only the category of the Truth of Provisional Positing. The present study focuses on the objections to their argument made by the successors of the Shanjia group （Caotang Chuyuan 草堂処元 [1030-1119], Zhiyong Liaoran 智湧了然 [1077-1141], Beifeng Zongyin 北峰宗印 [1149-1214]）.

In the Huayan wushi yaowenda華厳五十要問答, Zhiyan智儼 （602-668） applies the consciousness theory to the Lesser Vehicle, the Three Vehicles and the Great Vehicle. The focus of his argument is the consciousness theory of the Three Vehicles. The Three Vehicles are further classified into the Initial Teaching初教 and the Final Teaching終教. The Initial Teaching is distinguished into the teaching for converts from the Lesser Vehicle迴心教 and the teaching for persons who advance directly to the Great Vehicle直進教.

Where and how was the consciousness theory seen in the translations by Xuanzang玄奘 （602-664） positioned in respect to those? The main points of Zhiyan’s interpretations are as follows;

1. Zhiyan places much of the consciousness theory of the Yogācārabhūmi 瑜伽師地論and the Cheng weishi lun成唯識論 translated by Xuanzang in the Initial Teaching for converts from the Lesser Vehicle, based on Asvabhāva’s Mahāyānasaṃgrahabhāṣya攝大乗論釋 translated by Xuanzang.

2. Zhiyan bifurcates the ālayavijñāna 阿頼耶識translated by Xuanzang into vipākavijñāna異熟頼耶 and dharmatāvijñāna法性頼耶. The former belongs to the Initial Teaching for converts. The latter is considered tathāgatagarbhavijñāna 如來藏識and belongs to the Initial Teaching for people who advance directly.

3. Zhiyan insists that manas末那識 does not arise subsequent to the darśanamārga見道 and the single manovijñāna意識 is transformed into four kinds of cognition （jñāna） 四智. He develops the theory of a single manovijñāna based on Paramārtha’s translation of Vasubandhu’s Mahāyānasaṃgrahabhāṣya.

In this way, Zhiyan avails himself of the consciousness theory translated by Xuanzang, using some parts directly, and criticizes other parts to build his original consciousness theory. It can be characterized as a process of rationalizing the old consciousness theory of the Dilun地論 and Shelun攝論 schools with the new consciousness theory in Xuangzang’s translations.

The Chan thought of the Tang dynasty monk Baizhang Huaihai百丈懐海 （749-814） centered on the concept of true emptiness or śūnyatā 真空. In teaching this, he utilized the “Three Phrases” 三句 （affirmation, negation, and double negation）, then stressed transcendence even of the resulting emptiness. This was a reinterpretation of the Chan teachings of his master, Mazu Daoyi 馬祖道一 （709-788） via thoroughgoing śūnyatā thought. Baizhang’s Chan thought was inherited by his disciple Huangbo Xiyun 黄檗希運 （d. 850）, although the two masters differed in that, while both instructed their disciples to return to śūnyatā, Baizhang utilized the Three Phrases whereas Huangbo utilized the Shoulengyan jing首楞厳経 （the so-called Pseudo-Śūraṃgama-sūtra）.

In 1895, Taiwan became a colony of Japan. Buddhist monks followed the Japanese army to Taiwan, and thus Japanese Buddhism was also introduced to Taiwan. In 1896, Sasaki Chinryū 佐佐木珍龍 （1865-1934）, a monk of the Sōtō sect, founded the Dainippon Taiwan Buddhism Association大日本台湾仏教会to lead the Buddhist community in Taiwan. Subsequently, the sects of Buddhism in Japan moved from competing with each other in preaching to cooperating with each other, and the Taiwan Buddhist Association台湾仏教会was thus established in 1902. This paper explores the background and reasons for the establishment of the Taiwan Buddhist Association. It also discusses the publication of the official magazine of the Association, Taiwan Kyōhō 台湾教報, as well as the operation of the charity project Taiwan Orphanage.

Riku Etsugan 陸鉞巖 （1855-1937）, a Zen monk of the Sōto Zen sect, was a student at the Sōtoshū Daigakurin 曹洞宗大学林, the predecessor of Komazawa University, when he argued for the establishment of a school for nuns based on Dōgen’s theory of gender equality. During his stay in Taiwan, he visited India, Southeast Asia, and China. After returning from Taiwan, he served as acting president of the Sōtoshū Daigakurin. After becoming the abbot of Entsūji Temple 円通寺 in Nagoya, he translated the Shōbōgenzō 正法眼蔵, the Shōbōgenzō zuimonki 正法眼蔵随聞記, the Denkōroku 伝光録, and other important books of the Sōto Zen sect, originally composed in Japanese, into classic Chinese. This was done with the aim of proselytizing not only in Taiwan but also in China and Korea. Many of these works and their manuscripts are stored in the Komazawa University Library, but they have not been known until now.