In "Black Holes and Hallucinations", the full English version of which is included in Eikasmos XV (2004), Prof C Austin surveys a number of lacunose passages in Menander in an experimental attempt at creative restoration The passages examined are Heros 1-16, Dis Exapaton 1-12, 30-32, 49-51, 70, 81, 83, 109, Misoumenos 8, 18-20, 29-34, 41-42 and Phasma 10-25 A postscript offers new suggestions to P Oxy 4641 and 4642 (Epitrepontes and Kitharistes), recently published in vol 68 of the Oxyrhynchus series, and the Bodleian photograph of P Oxy 855 (Pennthia) is reproduced here for the first time

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Excavated wrecks of ancient Mediterranean ships revealed technical methods of Mediterranean shipbuilding Among them was the so-called "shell-first method" with which modern Western Europe had not been at all familiar By the "shell-first method" they erected first a strong shell of planks by jointing edges together closely with mortises and tenons and then inserted a complete set of frames to stiffen the shell tight The constructing procedure is quite the reverse of the traditional European so-called "skeleton-first method" The discovery of the "shell-first method" brought a new phase in the interpretation of classical literary texts the passage Odyssey 5 234-61 that has puzzled classical scholars turns out to be explicable Odysseus builds his σχεδια with mortises and tenons by the "shell-first method" Carefully reading the passage with the eye of a shipbuilder, I suggest his σχεδια is not a raft, but a real boat and build a tentative model Rudimentary as it is, it is built firmly enough to be seaworthy But for the intervention of Poseidon, Odysseus could have arrived safe at Ithaca by this boat The new findings enabled the project team to reconstruct the Athenian trireme Olympias, too Many specialists in archaeology, nautical history, classical studies and maritime engineering engaged in the reconstruction project found that the υποζωματα previously believed to be outside the hull were inside The υποζωματα are listed in the Piraeus naval inventories and seem to be very important hanging-gear of the triremes, but we have no further prescription in the inventories about how and where they were fitted Relevant passages in the literature are few except Plato's Republic and Laws So far classical scholars had speculated that the υπρζωματα were fitted round outside the hull, but this is overturned by the "inside" theory of the reconstruction project team However, a doubt remains The υποζωματα in the tenth book of the Republic have an important function, being compared to the band of light holding the universe together The light seems to pass not only through the center of the Universe, but also, since it holds the heaven together, round the outer surface of the heavenly sphere In the Acts also, when the freighter St Paul is boarding meets a storm, ropes undergirding(υποζωννυντεζ)the ship are used These ropes seem to be outside the hull In the Argonautica, the Argonauts in launching the Argo strongly gird the ship with a well twisted rope This rope can be recognized as a υποζωμα and must have been outside the hull Moreover in some passages of the Odyssey and the Trojan Women, there are ropes recognizable as υποζωματα girding round outside the hull lengthwise from stem to stern It can be safely said that the "inside" theory of the reconstruction team does not always hold I test it by reappraising as much relevant literature and as many iconographical representations as possible

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It has been already noticed almost for one century that the figure of the dead as well as of the bereaved are often depicted together on white ground lekythoi of the Classical period It has, however, hardly been tried to define the status of the dead, namely whether the figure represents him in his life time or after his death Rather the definition seems to have been avoided This prevaling attitude is influenced by Buschor's view He regards the subject of the scenes as the "Verbundenheit" between two people, and he saids the idea that the bereaved and the dead should be distinguished clearly in the scenes is irrelevant The painters did not intend that Life and death are overlapped in the scenes and they are inseparable However, after I found a remarkable representation on some white ground lekythoi by the Achilles-Painter, his interpretation began to seem questionable to me It is the hand pointing to the earth with forefinger that I have found The painter depicted it three times on his lekythoi in New York , two on the lekythoi with grave stele (1989 281 72, 08 258 16) and one without suggestion of the location (08 258 18) Since the painter left us various exquisite representations of the hands, for example, that very soft hand playing the lyre in Munich, and also, by comparing some hands of the same form but in different contexts by some other vase painters from the time, we can conclude that he painted consciously these three hands to point to the earth Subsequently, what do these hands mean? Do they not mean that the figures belong to the world of Hades? We know from literary sources, for example, the tragedies from the same period, that the Greeks generally had a common idea that the dead lived in the underworld or in the tomb Therefore we can regard the figure of the dead as someone who has already crossed the river Acheron That means that the Achilles-painter intended to distinguish the dead and the bereaved Why therefore can the dead and the bereaved share the same sphere, even though each belongs to the different worlds? I regard the scene that the dead appears in front of the bereaved, especially in the scene with a grave stele, at the tomb It is of course a fantasy But this conception is sometimes seen also in the tragedies Aeschylus depicted the dead Dareios appearing at his tomb(Persai, 681ff), and Sophokles made Elektra speak to the tomb of her father asking him to appear in front of her (Elektra) These examples enable us to consider the scenes on the lekythoi as a representation of the wish of the family of the deceased to see him again In this interpretation the scene and the status of the dead is defined more precisely, but it is not always incompatible with the view of Buschor, because in this interpretation as well the essence of the scene is the "Verbundenheit"

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1 Recoverability of dramatic action Efforts to reconstruct the acting style of New Comedy from extant artefacts are becoming increasingly popular A wealth of archaeological material related to New Comedy may give us a general idea of how the genre was staged All the evidence, as expected, shows New Comedy actors using their arms and legs to a much greater extent than is the case with actors who do not wear masks However, the artefacts give us only a very general idea of the acting techniques and for anything more than that our only recourse is to the evidence of extant texts But to what degree is concrete stage action recoverable from them ? Menander is very economical in his means to move forward the plots and his fondness for economy may suggest a likewise tendency in treating stagecraft as no more than an effective tool for advancing the plot, with his actors hardly ever departing from the playtexts to perform longer stretches of dramatically irrelevant action Frequently the dramatist prefers to move on with the plot without developing at any length scenes suitable for comic elaboration All this does not mean that he has left his actors no room for effective acting where it is called for I discuss some examples and propose that in terms of stagecraft Menander can achieve surprisingly much with very few and subtle means thanks to an elaborate delineation of his plots and characters The spectators were familiar with the genre and individual character types and this allowed him to hint and abbreviate while the effects were comparable to those Aristophanes (or Plautus) achieved with more robust means 2 Voice All treatises on hypokrisis from Aristotle to Quintilian stress the importance of voice training I briefly discuss quoted speech which, with formal markers of transition between individual speakers becoming less and less intrusive with the passage of time, was a happy medium for Menander's actors to prove their qualities The requirements placed on them were quite different from those put on Aristophanes' actors who used voice mimicry for predominantly farcical effects Menander's star-actor had to portray various characters through his voice with much more subtlety, and his imitation in a quick sequence of a number of characters in various emotional states must have been a tour de force 3 Kosmiotes and melodrama All free-born characters in Menander's domestic drama are in principle noble and behave like gentlemen Their behaviour cannot then be expected to show heavy gesticulation, their walking is neither slow nor fast, they are kosmioi, and there is eurythmia in their movements However, the acting does not turn dull because the genre, influenced by Euripides, is also interested in exploring the comic potential of showing apparent cases of social boundaries transgressed, accepted codes broken and agitated reactions such cases elicit Moreover, the poet is constantly playing games with his knowledgeable audience and their assumptions He builds even into the most typical situations of the highly conventional genre novel twists that make action/acting on stage elusive and difficult to be taken at face value Thereby Menander succeeds in conveying a sense of freshness and variety for which he was valued as an exceptionally realistic poet.

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Oaths, just as prayers, were a means for communicating with gods and constructing relationships through charts, favour Oaths combined with curses-also a special form of prayer-had a religious and social sanction for Greeks Yet in the fourth-century Athenian courts an oath appeared to be less crucial than it used to be The legendary judge Rhadamanthys imposed oaths on both litigants and secured a just settlement (Pl Nomoi 948b-c) Actually both the Gortyn Code and Solonian laws suggest that oaths settled disputes where no contract or witnesses were available In the fourth century, artful reasoning from probability replaced such irrational methods of proof and oath was no longer considered decisive This paper examined procedures involving oath and proklesis, or oath-challenge in fourth-century forensic speeches The proklesis for oath has been treated as subsidiary by the scholars, whose main concern was with that for torture Aristotle first introduced a distinction into evidence (pistis), that is, pisteis entethnoi and ptsteis atechnoi (Rhet 1377a8-b11)and both torture and oath were classified in the latter As for modern scholars, therefore, both proklesis for oath and for torture were regarded as similai procedures for presenting evidences to the court Probably it is such interpretation that caused long-standing disagreements among legal historians Many scholars stressed the rhetorical function of the proklesis, while Headlam and Mirhady concluded that such challenges were meant for settlement, an alternative to a jury trial The discord could be partly attributed to the scarcity of evidence There were so many references to proklesis but in almost all cases such a challenge was not accepted Yet a single accepted challenge is found in 'Against Boiotos' (Dem 39 and 40), which is for oath, not for torture By exploring this case, it can be inferred that the accepted oath was regarded as conclusive for both disputants Although the speaker repeated the illegitimacy of Boiotos in detailreferring to communal events of the phratry and demes, he never insisted the accepted challenge should be annulled Indeed the plaintiff after all acknowledged his father's recognition of Boiotos as an established fact, and he accused Boiotos of other related matters Remarkably, the oath-taker in the accepted case was a woman, and the procedure was carried out before an arbitrator outside the court On the other hand, there is no single instance where proklesis for torture was accepted and carried through Surely at least one case would have survived if it actually produced a piece of evidence at all Probably these two prokleseis must be estimated individually Considering an oath was decisive in archaic settlements, not proklesis but an oath was crucial in the procedure Oaths could produce significant evidence and conclude disputes Not through legal procedures but by charis-relationships could women intervene in disputes between male citizens Oaths settled disputes in the fourth century through rituals, ceremonial events and even as part of a legal procedure They did construct a body of evidence and settle disputes outside the court, where pisteis entechnoi prevailed

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The history of Sicily is populated by a heterogeneous mix of people who differ from each other both culturally and ethnically Ancient Sicily was no exception "Hardly the voice of the Greek tongue will sound in all of Sicily, since it will have been transformed into a territory or dependency of the Phoenicians or Opicians(Pl Ep 8 353e)" This famous passage from Plato illustrates the situation in Sicily about 350 B C It points to the considerable influence that immigrant peoples had on Sicily, and suggests that it is impossible to reconstruct the history of Sicily at that time without understanding the activities of these immigrants But it is very difficult for us to gain such an understanding from historical documents The Entella tablets (SEG XXX, 1117-1123, XXXV, 999), however, which have been published since 1980, enable us to see the situation in Sicily in the early Hellenistic period They are composed of the decrees of Entella and Nacone, both of which were located inland in the northwestern part of Sicily, and, were occupied by the Campanian peoples since 404 B C according to Diodorus This paper treats the tablets as documents showing the situation of immigrant cities in Sicily, especially the Campanian cities Up to the present, scholarly discussions have primarily focused on the two kinds of eponymous officials found in the decrees of Entella Various explanations have been proposed regarding the meaning of the existence of the two different sorts of officials Some argue that this phenomenon was brought about by the change caused by "Romanization", others argue that it was caused by "Hellenization", and some argue that it was only a temporary change, and that the Campanian systems were maintained No decisive conclusions have been reached, however, because these discussions are focused on only a few facts in the tablets or other materials It is therefore necessary for us to rethink this problem from a wider perspective In this paper, I explore the issue of the two eponymous officials using information gleaned not only from the Entella tablets-such as language, personal names, and so on-but also from coins and other historical documents Based on this research, it is most likely that the existence of two different eponymous officials indicates a change from the system of two archons, probably from a Campanian system to that of hieromnamon, a Greek system In other words, the change suggests a process of "Hellenization" Moreover, this Hellenization did not begin with events recorded in the tablets, but was already in progress by that time due to the gradual acceptance of Greek culture Of course, the people of Entella had their own culture, but generally speaking, they were influenced heavily by Greek culture as well The acculturation of the immigrants was promoted by daily contact with the surrounding Greek poleis and the frequent advance to the West of the eastern Greek poleis This case shows how immigrant peoples in Sicily managed to survive and thrive Such facts should be taken into account in understanding the history of Sicily hereafter

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The dialogues of Plato and in particular the Lysis present puzzles and difficulties There is a tendency to take no account of the stage setting or character portrayal, or, if at all, to avoid relating it to the overall interpretation My interpretation regards the stage settings Plato carefully prepares as the outer frame of the dialogue, connecting with the argument The dialogue then represents itself Socrates is depicted as one who knows of love, judges whether a lover knows how to get his boyfriend, and demonstrates how to carry on a conversation with him He indicates the central issue of the dialogue, that is, the epideixis of love He asks the question of how one can make a friend with someone, then shifts it to the question of what a friend is The arrangement of questions unique to the Lysis gives the key to the question of what friendship is Friendship is 'shown' in a way other than definition The settings characteristic of the dialogue, though apparently similar to other Socratic dialogues, form the ou er frame of the Lysis and set the arguments withm the epideixis of Socrates Friendship presupposes loving the other above all It demands two things of the one who loves and the one who is loved The thesis that like is friend to like indicates the reciprocity of loving Also Lysis is depicted to join in the argument after listening with all his heart, which shows the reciprocity of dialogue Socrates, then, brings up a new version of the definition that opposite is friend to opposite Opposite asks opposite for one-sided help and shows no reciprocal attitude Socrates makes the contradiction-mongers examine this thesis and does not commit himself at all The relationship of reciprocity between Socrates and Menexenos breaks down In the course of pursuing the thesis that what is neither good nor bad is friend of the good on account of the bad, for the sake of the good, Socrates and the children each seek for the true friend and share in the pursuit, where reciprocity and irreciprocity become united The pursuit of what a friend is begins with the question of how one can make a friend with someone Change of questions goes with depth of arguments Such a relation as joint pursuit of sophia is just what Socrates takes as friendship He presents it by perfoming the process of philosophizing itself The device to embody things themselves is what is depicted in the outer frame, that is, the demand of 'epideixis' of love and Socrates as a philosopher

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The aim of this paper is to clarify the nature of the spirited part of the soul (thumos, to thumoeides) and the significance of its education m Plato's Republic I take up three distinctive interpretations (1) Penner's interpretation under this heading, I include the same kinds of interpretation as Penner's (that is, Cornford, Hardie, Robinson), but take up his as representative According to him, although this third part of the soul is not psychologically well-founded in Plato's argument, Plato knowingly introduces it, in order to draw the analogy between city and soul I ciiticize this interpretation because Plato's argument in fact, apart from the analogy, depends upon the fact of psychological conflict (together with the principles of the opposition), exemplified in two cases Leontius' selfdisgust and Odysseus' anger (2) 'The "ideal self-image" interpretation' under this heading, I include various sorts of interpretation which characterize the spirited part in terms of both reference to the self and the conception of the good (Annas, Cooper, Irwin, Joseph, Kamtekar, Reeve) I think this interpretation is convincing, on the ground that the concept of the "ideal self-image" has a poweiful and consistent explanatory force for phenomena which Plato attributes to the spirited part, such as anger, love of honor, love of victory, shame, envy, obstinacy, and the like Anger, for example, is provoked against a background of some "ideal self-image" So is shame Indeed, this interpretation may not explain fully Plato's observation that even small children and animals are full of spirit (441a7-b3), since they presumably have no self-conception But in any way, this observation can be and should be read in relation to its education or training Otherwise, we could be led in the wrong direction like Craig (3) Craig's interpretation Craig gives a peculiar interpretation According to him, the spirited part is divided into two parts within itself "a lower half, more akin to that found in animals, it is an instinctively selfish part" and "a higher, more distinctively humane half, that takes pleasure from order and beauty and power and harmony as such, irrespective of their further bearing upon one's own immediate welfare" "Only this latter, more educable half of the spirit is by nature a reliable ally of reason" (104) I criticize this interpretation because, according to it, the effect of the earlier education of the soul will be actually reduced by half That undermines not only Plato's educational program, but also his whole program of establishing the ideal city and thereby exhortation to justice Craig's stumbling stone, it seems, is Plato's observation about small children's spirit and that of animals However, it should be noticed that Plato's examples or symbols used for the spirit are limited to that kind of animals which are both full of spirit and trainable or tamable (horses, dogs, lions, snakes) Even the animals Plato picks up can be allies to human reason Investigation into Plato's theory of earlier education in books II, III, which is directed mainly at the nature (phusis) of spirit, shows that the initially rude nature common to some animals is later civilized through proper education into full-fledged spirit Moreover, I suggest that earlier education focuses on the formation of shame (aidos, aischune)in children's soul Children take in within their soul some good character like Gods or heroes as ideal self-images, and form a sense of shame (esp cf 388d, 396ce) Thus, the self relevant to the spirited part is not so much biological or instinctive as social or cultural In short, the "ideal self-image" interpretation is the most cogent one in terms of both the characteristics given to the spirited part and Plato's theory of earlier education

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In the Poetics, Aristotle explicitly insists that the events constituting tragic plots should follow one another according to probability (to eikos) or necessity (to anankaion) (1451a11-15, 36-38) However, in addition to this general rule of consistency, he also accepts that it is probable that some events in plots should happen contrary to the probability (1456a24-25, 1461b15) Moreover, he consents that a poet should choose impossible but probable things (adunata eikota) rather than possible but unbelievable ones (dunata apithana)in order to compose better plots (1460a26-27) I call this paradoxical modal feature of tragic plots 'double modality' In this paper I try to examine the contexts where the double modality is desirable, and to consider why Aristotle makes the paradoxical statement about tragic modality The purpose of this paper is to maintain that the double modality is an essential aspect of tragedy rather than a subsidiary one The first section of this paper examines how the tragic modal concepts in the Poetics (necessity, probability, chance) should be located in Aristotle's philosophy of modality as a whole As well as in the Rhetoric, the probable is plausible and believable (pithanon), and the probability of plots makes the audience believe the reality of tragic possible worlds by comparison with our real world The second section argues that even chance events are accepted in tragic plots on the condition that those events happen beyond one's expectation and by means of one another These chance events have a double-modal structure in the sense that (1)they are out of control and unpredictable, but (2) comprehensible ex post facto as intersections of plural causal chains The third section argues that epistemic structures of fear and pity aroused by tragic plots overlap with the double modality of tragedy We pity someone (1) who does not deserve to suffer that kind of destructive evil which we fear for ourselves, (2) when we can expect such a misfortune to happen to ourselves or someone belonging to ourselves It is true that living a real life is quite different from playing the role of Oedipus, and it is difficult for us to be in empathy with the person who killed his father and married his mother However, these results in this paper suggest that we can revise our understanding of modality about this world where we live, by wondering at and comprehending the double modality of tragic possible worlds

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In Democritean atomism, all atomic motion is forced by blows of other atoms On the contrary, Aristotle demanded an explanation for why, if there was no natural motion for atoms, there was any motion for them at all In response to this criticism, Epicurus introduced the downward fall of atoms by their own weight as a natural motion for them But if all atoms only fall downwards at equal speed, why is there any collision amongst them at all ? This is just why the atomic swerve was introduced as another natural motion for atoms in Epicurean cosmology Now, according to Cicero, Epicurus introduced the atomic swerve to avoid a necessary motion by atom's own weight that he himself has introduced with the intention of improving upon Democritean atomism However, the fear arising from this necessity is that if all atoms were only to fall downwards, since there would be no collision amongst them, no compound body would be formed On the other hand, Diogenes of Oenoanda represents the atomic swerve in Epicurean atomism as counterevidence to a necessary motion by collisions amongst atoms in Democntean atomism And the fear arising from this necessity is that if all atoms were only to collide with one another, since the soul too is composed of them, no voluntary action would exist If that is the case, the testimony that the necessary motion by atom's own weight hinders the voluntariness of action by governing the mind is inaccurate Therefore, the interpretation that the atomic swerve ensures the voluntariness of action by freeing the mind from such a necessity is mistaken To sum up, in Epicurean atomism, the atomic swerve plays the following two roles (A) In his cosmology, the atomic swerve prevents the atom's own weight from causing all things (including all actions) not to occur by the blows of other atoms and makes a beginning of collisions amongst atoms, (B) In his theory of action, the atomic swerve prevents the collisions amongst atoms from causing all actions to occur exclusively by the blows of other atoms and breaks a chain of collisions amongst atoms (though it does not hinder collision itself, needless to say) Incidentally, Epicurus divides all things into three categories and contrasts necessity with chance and what depends on us And since the atomic swerve was exactly introduced to avoid necessity, it must be either chance or what depends on us However, there is much evidence suggesting that the atomic swerve is uncaused motion Judging from this, it is inevitable to conclude that the atomic swerve is a kind of chance Nevertheless, I suppose that the atomic swerve need not be the alternative of chance or what depends on us but can be either of them as the case may be That is, it is just the atomic swerve occurring even without the soul that Epicurus called chance in a general sense And what depends on us eventually means the action that has the atomic swerve occurring within the soul at the beginning of motion

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