How prevalent were the Orphic mysteries in classical Athens? Important evidence for this question was discovered during the second half of the 20th century. In 1978 were published a set of bone tablets with graffiti-like letters of the fifth century BC. from Olbia. The Derveni Papyrus (DP) was found in 1962 from one of the tombs dated around the end of the fourth century near Derveni about twelve kilometers north of Thessaloniki, the editio princeps of which was published in 2006, almost fifty years after its discovery, as T. Kouremenos, G. M. Parassoglou and K. Tsantsanoglou, The Derveni Papyrus, Firenze, 2006. The editors date the papyrus between 340 and 320 BC, whereas the text itself on the papyrus is more difficult to date, but the content of the text is mostly supposed to suggest it is a Preplatonic commentary on the Orpheus theogony. A gold tablet from Hipponion in south Italy published in 1974 turned out to be from 400 BC., the oldest among the same kinds of tablets, and the words mystai and bakchoi in the text have convinced scholars of the Orphic religious significance of this and other gold tablets of the same type. Looking at the sites of the evidence on the map, we cannot suppress the impression that they are in marginal areas in the Greek world, or not in major poleis like Athens or Sparta. Were the Orphic Mysteries not popular in Athens? One paragraph on the deisidaimon in Theophrastos' Kharakteres, 16 persuaded me to assume private practice of the Mysteries by the orpheotelestai in Athens, but Plato's comment in the Republic 364d-e puzzled me as he wrote that agyrtai and manteis(orpheotelestai-like people) persuaded not only private individuals but some poleis. What did Plato mean by the word poleis ? Were there any poleis where the Orphic Mysteries were public ? Athens certainly could not be counted among such poleis. Col. XX of the Derveni Papyrus may help us attain a good understanding of how the Orphic Mysteries were performed in classical Athens. In this column two groups of initiates are contrasted: those who were initiated, participating in the public Mysteries, and those who were initiated in the Mysteries under the guidance of a private professional priest. The editors of the editio princeps of DP believe that both groups were meant to be initiates in the Orphic Mysteries, but I cannot agree with the editors' comment. I would like to propose my own opinion that the former are not initiates in the Orphic Mysteries but initiates in public mysteries like the Eleusinian Mysteries, while the latter are Orphic initiates. Col. XX may shed some light on the way in which the Orphic Mysteries were performed in Athens.

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Fustel de Coulange considered that ancient Greeks had never had any private spheres in their poleis and the polls was a fusion of state and society. In the entry 'polis' in the 3^<rd> edition of OCD 0. Murray basically followed his ideas and gave Sparta as a typical example. Thus the general understanding seems to have been that polis could not be translated as 'state'. M. Hansen, however, argued against taking Sparta as a typical case and insisted that there was a differentiation between public and private spheres in Athens and many other poleis and consequently concluded that we may view a polis as similar to a modern state. However S. Hodkinson, as part of his studies aimed at rescuing Sparta from a 'fossilized society' themepark and normalizing her position as a polis, objected to the idea that Sparta was a polis where the state and society were inseparably fused together. He argued that Xenophon showed no clear cases of Spartan authorities taking active control over every aspect of Spartan citizens' life in his Lakedaimonion Politeia which is the most credible source concerning the Classical Spartan society. Moreover, building on Humble's thesis that the characteristic feature of Spartan citizens was not σωψροσυνη but αιδωζ, it seems that Spartan citizens were only careful how they behaved in public spaces and in private they could do as they pleased. Therefore it can be recognized that there was a distinction between the public and private sphere in Sparta. Indeed, not only Xenophon, but also Thucydides painted the picture of the Spartan society as a system of voluntary corporations among citizens rather than one of severe controls over them. Hodkinson then insisted that there was no social control on the part of the Spartan authorities, but only social pressure from the citizens themselves within their society. I agree with his conclusion regarding the importance of social pressure in Sparta, but I do not think that there was no social control over the citizens, because the existence of social pressure reveals the existence of Gramsci's theory of the 'hegemony'. I think it is a flaw in Hodkinson's argumentations that he did not point clearly to the substance of the authorities in Sparta so that the reality of social control became obscured. In order to complement his contention, I would introduce the thesis on which Berent insisted in a series of articles, namely, that a polls is not a state but a stateless society. A polis did not have the public coercive power so that Greeks had to devise ways to keep order in their polis and prevent an outbreak of a stasis. If we are right to perceive a polis as a stateless society, it followed that it was of paramount importance for Greeks to reach consensus on public matters. As a result, politics became entangled with ethical considerations and education which internalized ethics became important. In consideration of this context, the images of Spartan society seem fit for achieving consensus among its citizens, the fact that made it an object of high esteem among other Greeks. We should realize from this conclusion that a polis was not a monolithic entity and that it was susceptible to being torn apart because of the lack of public coercive power, and that Sparta (and Athens) were exceptional in preserving their stability.

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In his search for justice in Plato's Republic, Socrates employs the analogy between city and soul, which is adapted in Rep. II. 368C-369A and presented again in IV. 434D-436A. There have been various discussions on this analogy, which provides a structure for almost the entire dialogue. The purpose of this paper is to solve three problems that arise in the dominant translation and interpretation of this analogy. I consider the implication of this analogy in Books 1 through 4 as fundamental to the understanding of this dialogue and the development of Socrates' search for justice. The three problems are as follows: (1)that the presense of justice in city and soul are similar is hypothesized in Book 2 but treated as an assured fact in Book 4. (2)The scope of the analogy has been considerably enlarged in Book 4. In the discussion leading up to Book 4, however, it does not inevitably follow that a just man did not differ at all from a just city with respect to the very form of justice. (3)In 441C4-444A9, Socrates infers the justice of the soul from the justice of the city. However, he should not infer this, considering that the similarity between city and soul is a hypothesis. I present the following solution of the above problems. First, I propose to read "ει" in the introductory part of the City-Soul Analogy (368D7) as "if" and not "whether" (therefore, the translation would read, "to be able to read the large letters first, and then to examine the small ones, if they really are the same"). This translation indicates that Socrates has already assumed the striking similarity between city and soul with respect to the form of justice. In 351E9-352A8, Socrates assumes without describing grounds that the individual is a system with component parts as well as the city, and that each of the component parts can be unjust towards the others. Therefore, we can say that the soul has been expected to have the same structure as the city, already in Book 1. In addition, I argue that the city-soul analogy in Book 4 is ready to be broached in 423D4-6. The argument in 423D4-6 shows that the behavior of the individual's components affects the behavior of the city's components. In this sense, the justice of the individual will lead to the justice of the city. Hence, it is not unreasonable that Socrates maintains the structural similarity of city and soul in 434D-436A, and that he infers the justice of the soul from the justice of the city in 441C-444A9. In 351E9-352A8, the connection between the components of city and soul is not clear. However, the structural similarity of the two has been established before 434D-436A. In this way, I argue that the method Socrates employs in his search for justice in the discussion leading up to Book 4 is valid, and insist that Socrates has assumed that there is a very close connection between (the components of) city and soul.

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In this paper, the author investigates how gladiatorial games worked in the societies of Spain under the Roman Empire. As archaeological research has recently been developing, various collections of papers on the spectacles have been published. As far as the author knows, however, no work has been accomplished to synthesize the views offered in the papers. On the other hand, epigraphic evidence has already been compiled. Especially the compiling work by A. Ceballos Hornero is notable as the start point of discussion. Also in this article, referring to this work, the author thoroughly examines the evidence related to the gladiatorial games. The distribution pattern of the evidence allows us to focus on the games in Baetica. The shows there were closely linked with the emperor and imperial cult since the Flavian period. There are two reasons for this. One reason is that the gladiators appearing in the spectacles in Baetica came from the imperial ludi(i.e. schools for gladiators) or the ludi which had some connections with emperors. The other is that among the persons who held a show were priests of the imperial cult. Examining the inscriptions of the SC de pretiis gladiatorum minuendis, the gladiatorial shows in Batica were likely to be administrated under the state control. Similar to the games in Baetica, the games in Lugdunum (modern Lyon) were closely related to the imperial cult. The amphitheater there had some reserved seats for tribal representatives. The amphitheaters at least in Corduba, the center of the imperial cult in Baetica, would have the similar seating. So, the reason why the games were linked with the imperial cult must be that emperors paid close attention to the inland tribes of Iberia, who could disturb the peace and order in Baetica. Therefore, it can be concluded that gladiatorial games carried out a social function to keep order within Baetica. Meanwhile, the local elites, who organized the spectacle shows, could not hold the gladiatorial games as a means of evergetisme because of the state control. This led to the clear difference between the number of the gladiatorial shows and that of other shows, such as theatrical shows and chariot racings. The number of the honorary inscriptions and tombstones which were proud of having held a gladiatorial game was about ten, while that of the inscriptions which were proud of having held a theatrical show were about twenty and a chariot racing about thirty.

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In the Roman Empire, Victoria, Pax and Felicitas were expressed together with the emperor's personal virtues in propaganda as the ideals shown by the emperor. What, then, was the image of an ideal emperor in the local cities where those ideals were shown? In an earlier paper I examined the inscriptions of northern Italy in the first three centuries paying close attention to virtues as shortcuts that express ideal images in a single word and I showed that indulgentia was a virtue peculiar to the emperors as it expressed their financial contributions to local cities (Le virtutes nelle citta di fronte all'opinione pubblica, in M. G. Angeli Bertinelli/A. Donati (eds.), Opinione pubblica e forme di comunicazione a Roma: il linguaggio dell' epigrafia, Atti del Colloquio AIEGL-Borghesi 2007 Faenza 2009, 79-97). Because the word originally denoted parental affection, it may be said that indulgentia expressed an image of the emperor as pater patriae benefiting his subjects and that this was an image of an ideal emperor in local cities. What about the portrayal of an ideal notable ? In this paper I use evidence from the city decrees of northern Italy which mention specific virtues and I clarify the image of an ideal notable. The city decrees under examination are nine in total, including one quotation in a funerary inscription (CIL, V, 532, 875, 961, 2117, 3448, 5127, 8139; IA, 547, 548). As a result of this investigation it became clear that of highest regard were such virtues as concerned voluntary and zealous work for the city, such as cura, diligentia, sollecitudo, industria and studium and virtues such as adfectio, benivolentia or pietas that showed local patriotism as the proper motivation for any contribution to the life of the city; in addition, the contents of the decrees made clear that the contributions to the cities were, directly or indirectly, financial. Depending on the notables for their finances, the cities appealed to local patriotism, thus showing as an ideal a notable who worked eagerly for the city, i.e. one who contributed to it financially. In brief, the image of ideal notables or emperors with regard to the city was expressed in completely different words, even if a financial contribution was demanded from both. On the other hand it is pointed out that in literature, i.e. written works intended for the upper classes, two images of an ideal emperor coexisted-civilis princeps and pater patriae. Because the cooperation of senators and the knights was necessary for the administration of the empire, the emperor used these two images depending on the time and circumstances. However the virtues which would show him lowering himself to the level of his subjects as civilis princeps in literature are not seen in the inscriptions of northern Italy. When a city expressed a financial contribution from the emperor and the notables in totally different words and showed their different social position, it is more than clear that the city was indifferent to the term civilis princeps. The city was interested only in seeing the emperor as a merciful monarch, pragmatically thinking of him as a source of profit.

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The Vita Constantini(VC), an encomiastic biography containing fifteen imperial letters, is one of the most important and controversial sources on the reign and personality of Constantine the Great that the church of the post-Constantinian period ever produced. Although certain critics have sometimes questioned its Eusebian authorship, recent studies have made extensive use of the text as a reliable literary source, suggesting that the issue has been conclusively resolved. Indeed, serious debate on this matter ceased in the 1970s. However, a critical reading of the text of the VC reveals that there are marked discrepancies between its description of the religious policy of Constantine and the picture of religious policy painted by pagan literature and legal texts. Most scholars are aware of this, yet they try to explain these discrepancies away as interpolations, in order to preserve the traditional view concerning its authorship from challenge. Thus, it is possible to suggest the following: 1)The characteristics of an intolerant emperor as they appear in the VC should neither be attributed to the historical Constantine (who was in fact tolerant of pagan religious practices) nor considered as stemming from the hand of an anonymous interpolator, since this antipagan writing is permeated with subversive ideas which form its conceptual framework. The enmity towards the Roman cultural heritage should therefore be viewed as being a constituent part of the work-thereby precluding the possibility of interpolations or posthumous editorial additions. 2)The VC could have been written by anyone living during a period after the death of Eusebius when the emperor was enforcing an anti-pagan policy-that is, in the time of Constantius II or later. 3)The notion of eusebeia (piety)-generally indicating any pious act for the benefit of the gods-is extended in the VC to encompass a negative attitude towards the impious. Indeed, from the start of the third century onwards there are many recorded instances of pagan assaults on Christians as acts of expiation (for example, Tert Apol 41.2 Christianos ad leonem!). However, neither the church nor the government succumbed to the popular outcry, and it was not until the latter half of the fourth century that the notion of piety in the form of a double negation was conceived. Theodosius II prescribes punishment of religious dissidents as a holy sacrifice to secure divine favor (Novellae 3.8). 4)If the VC is assigned to the time of Constantius II, it could belong to the literary genre of specula principum (mirrors for princes)-that is, its purpose could be to instruct him on how to behave towards and rule his subjects (both pagans and Christians alike) and to caution him against interfering in the internal affairs of the church. However, assigning the VC to the era of the Theodosian dynasty would instead suggest that it was composed in reply to pagan criticism of Constantine's pro-Christian policy. This seems more probable, since it is only after the 370s that the approval of physical violence which characterizes the VC is clearly attested in Christian literature.

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P. CtYBR 4000 is a papyrus codex housed at the Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library. It preserves over 300 lines of mostly unknown Greek verse, and Duttenhofer has dated its handwriting to within 275-350 AD. A group effort to record, analyze, and comment on its content has been ongoing for about a decade, and much advance has been made recently with Wilkinson taking the lead. Having been a member of this group, I will discuss the date, authorship, and metrical features of the codex, and will provide the text, translation and commentary of a previously unknown fragmentary epigram in order to illustrate the potential this document holds for future research. We have provisionally identified the author of the verses as Palladas of Alexandria due to the following reasons: 1)wo AP epigrams which researchers have hypothetical^ attributed to Palladas (IX. 127, 379) also occur in the codex, although with variant readings; 2)The scribe does not give authorial attribution to individual epigrams; 3)Certain stylistic details, such as meter, agree with what is found in known works by this poet. But since Palladas has traditionally been dated to late 4^<th> or even early 5^<th> century A.D., the discovery of his epigrams in a late 3^<rd>-early 4^<th> century manuscript is bound to raise controversy. Especially intriguing is the implication which the revised dating holds for our understanding of Constantine's religious policies, a topic which Wilkinson will explore in a forthcoming JRS article. The elegiac epigram partially preserved in 4 front Col. A: 12-17 is a political satire in dialogue form. Its language, meter, and content are a mixture of the classical and postclassical in a fashion characteristic of the known works of Palladas. After a detailed philological commentary, I will argue that due to its non-literary content, which includes mention of civil strife and official ambassadorship, its full appreciation requires an understanding of "documentary" subjects such as euergetism and provincial city politics in the late Empire. Classical reception is a field of study which may be applied with good results in the interpretation of this fragment, as it encourages the reader to become sensitive to the context of reception and allows one to see the epigram not as another example of late antique degeneracy but as an exciting attempt to innovatively engage with classical poetic tradition in a distinctly non-classical setting. P. CtYBR 4000, once fully recorded and annotated, may be expected to arouse the interest of specialists in a wide number of fields, not only in papyrology and Greek literature but also in history and even early Christian studies. The detailed analysis of a textual sample also leads me to suggest that the expanding field of classical reception may offer fresh viewpoints from which to consider and appreciate not only the rest of our codex but also the considerable Palladan corpus preserved in AP.

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