This article examines the initial consonant r, particularly r at the glide position, that contacts a vowel in its archaic forms in Tibetic languages (Tibeto-Burman, Sino-Tibetan) and describes sound correspondence in various varieties from the eastern Tibetosphere. To achieve this, we first provide a mode of syllable structure divided into initial and rhyme and demonstrate examples classified into four types, followed by the relative order of sound changes by arranging the correspondence of r in the syllable structure, including the cases of the initial r and final r. In particular, the type in which the r-sound influences the rhyme is discussed in detail. This article also presents a typological analysis of the r-sound based on synchronic materials from the eastern Tibetosphere, outlining the sound correspondences exhibited by r and the developmental processes that have shaped its various sound forms.

Crosslinguistically, contour tones are known to prefer phonetically longer vowels. In Teotitlán Zapotec, however, a rising tone consistently prefers a closed syllable over an open syllable both in the distribution and alternation (*Cǎ(:)]σ). Furthermore, loanword data suggests that this is not a fossilized constraint, but rather a synchronically active constraint for Zapotec speakers. Generally a vowel is phonetically longer in an open syllable rather than a closed syllable, so that the constraint against a rising tone on an open syllable represents an ‘unnatural’ sound pattern. We show that such a synchronically unnatural constraint finds a natural diachronic explanation that it resulted from an accumulation of phonetically natural sound changes.

Voiceless lateral fricative [ɬ] is commonly found in Southern Bantu languages, even though it is reported to be an uncommon sound from cross-linguistic perspectives. This paper draws data from five Southern Bantu languages (Siswati, Southern Ndebele, Xitsonga, Sesotho, and Northern Sotho) and reports acoustic characteristics of lateral fricatives. The results demonstrate that duration and intensity do not differ among the languages. Concerning the four spectral moments, Siswati shows higher center of gravity and lower skewness compared to other four languages, showing that lateral fricatives do not have uniform phonetic realizations. The paper then focuses on lateral fricatives in Siswati and Southern Ndebele because they both belong to the Nguni group, and they are spoken in the vicinity of each other. The lateral fricative is acoustically placed between alveolar and palatal fricatives in Siswati, but between alveolar and velar fricatives in Southern Ndebele. Our analysis suggests that the production of lateral fricative in Siswati and Southern Ndebele may differ due to the fricative inventory in each language; velar fricatives in Southern Ndebele allow more acoustic space for the realization of lateral fricatives, but palatal fricatives in Siswati rather limit the acoustic space. This paper also discusses how the phonetic findings connect with the diachronic studies on lateral fricatives.

Vietnamese Pa Then, one of the Hmongic languages, has a relatively complicated onset system, similar to other Hmongic languages. However, as far as I know, no previous research has provided phonetic data on Pa Then onset. Based on my field phonetic data, this paper aims to describe the onset system of Vietnamese Pa Then with a focus on the two series of onset. The first one is the palatal series of labials such as /pʲ/. Previous studies phonetically transcribed this series of onset simply as [pj]. However, my acoustic and articulatory data suggest that they are realized as the labial-palatal double articulations, such as [p͡ṯʲ]. If this is the case, these sounds are the doubly articulated consonants with a cross-linguistically rare combination of place of articulation. The second one is slack voice. Vietnamese Pa Then exhibits a slack-modal contrast in voiceless unaspirated stops and voiced consonants. Niederer (1997) had described the slackness as the breathiness of tone [3̤3̤] (vs. modal [33]) based on auditory impression. However, my acoustic and articulatory data suggest that the slackness is instead associated with the onset release [Cʱ].

This paper focuses on Ukrainian vowel alternations: mid vowel raising in closed syllables, mid vowel deletion in open syllables and the epenthesis of [i] between prepositions/prefixes and roots. The analysis is based on cross-linguistic phonological universality proposed in previous theoretical research. The first two are generalized as the avoidance of mid vowels, which have been documented as marked across languages, and accounted for by positional faithfulness depending on syllable structure. As for lexical exceptionality, it is formalized by assuming faithfulness constraints referring to lexical properties, which have been affirmed, especially in research on loanword phonology. In contrast, neutralization into [i] in the raising is problematic, given that such a backness alternation is generally unattested in Ukrainian. The current study suggests that the emergence of this vowel results from the default status of [i], which is confirmed by the observation that this vowel behaves as an epenthetic vowel.

This study covers four typological topics concerning the velar nasal, based on extensive language data (1,411 languages from 7 macro-areas): its types, inventories, distinctions from other primary nasals, and distribution within syllables. The findings indicate that the velar nasal is more marked and less prominent than other major nasals such as the bilabial and dental/alveolar nasals. Its type diversity, language frequency, and percentage in nasal inventories are low, and its hierarchy in implicational relationships is more marked than those of other nasals. In many languages, the plain voiced velar nasal, /ŋ/, is not restricted in terms of occurring either at onset or in the coda, contrary to a widespread misunderstanding.

A recent article by Fujii et al. (2023) criticizes Akuzawa and Kubota’s (A&K; Akuzawa and Kubota 2020, 2021; Kubota and Akuzawa 2020) reassessment of a syntactic generalization about morphologically finite complement clauses known as the Tense Alternation Generalization. In this paper, we offer a response to Fujii et al. (2023) by critically examining their arguments. Our response consists of three components. First, we review A&K’s semantic analysis of finite control that dispenses with TAG, in order to provide a background for the discussion. Then, we elaborate on three empirical issues with TAG identified by A&K that remain unaddressed in Fujii et al. (2023). Finally, we show that both of the key claims of Fujii et al. (2023) fail to achieve the goal of defending TAG as a viable syntactic generalization. This leads us to the conclusion that A&K’s argument that TAG should be abandoned remains fully valid. A larger issue that emerges from this discussion pertains to the division of labor between syntax and semantics in analyzing (finite) control phenomena. The semantic proposal by A&K can be thought of as an attempt to reinterpret the core insights of the syntax-dominant approach represented by Fujii (2006) as a reflection of independently motivated underlying semantic properties.