We can obtain a rough idea, through the related lines of Schubring's translation of the Kalpa sutra, about what sort of lodgings monks and nuns on a pilgrimage came to find themselves in due to religious constraints, in the time of early Jainism. However, even Schubring's work (Das Kalpa-sutra, Leipzig, 1905) does not clarify how such constraints came to be imposed.
The present paper is an attempt to make this point clear through notes given on the literature.

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The present work aims at contributing to the study of the basic view of Buddha in the Smaller Mahaprajñapdramita-sutras, and in particular focuses on the view of Sakyamuni Buddha in Early Mahayana Buddhism. Consequently, it becomes evident that a new view of Sakyamuni Buddha and Mahayana Buddha was established in the Smaller Mahaprajñapdaramita-sutras.

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At the age of 35, the founder of Buddhism, the Buddha, attained His Enlightenment in Uruvela. This enlightenment is complete enlightenment as thought by many people. But according to Vinaya Mahavagga I, Buddha attained pathamabhisambuddha at first, then in the second stage he developed his enlightenment even more. After his first sermon, the Order consisted of 61 Arahants, and the Buddha further developed his spiritual development in the first rain retreat. He attained incomparable deliverance (anuttara-vimutti) through mindful concentration (manasikara).
Enlightenment under the Bo-tree is to become free from Ignorance (avijja) through knowledge (vijja) which must be called emancipation through insight (pañña-vimutti). After the first sermon five ascetics, Yasa and his 54 friends, attained enlightenment through being set free from desire (tanha), which must be called emancipation through mind (citta-vimutti). Emancipation under the Bo-tree is the first stage of enlightenment, but emancipation through both sides (ubhato-vimutti) is a much higher and deeper enlightenment, which is regarded as anuttara-vimutti.

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Dunhuang Manuscript S. 3460, that has been assumed to be the Pusa yingluo-jing (T. 16, No. 656) in various catalogues, is unmistakably the first volume of the Pusa yingluo benye jing (T. 24, No. 1485) compiled in China between the 5th・6th c. A. D. The main distinctive feature of this manuscript is that it has 28 verses on the Twenty-three Vows in the ‘xiansheng mingzi-pin’ (賢聖名字品) (Chapter 2), whereas other texts have 31 verses on Twenty-Four Vows. This form of the verse is consistent with S. 2748, the commentary of this sutra. Hence, most probably it indicates the original form of this sutra. Furthermore, when this manuscript was compared with other versions, it turned out to be the closest one to the Fangshan Stone Sutra.

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Mr. Shiro Matsumoto insisted that the “thought of the matrix of the Tathagata” (nyoraizo shiso) is a non-Buddhist teaching because it is dhatu-vada. Upon receiving Mr. Matsumoto's theory, Mr. Noriaki Hakamaya opposed the concept of “original enlightenment.”
I responded to Mr. Hakamaya's opposition, stating that the word dhatu, as found in the “Awakening of Faith in the Mahayana,” should be interpreted as “the essential truth of things” (shin-nyo) or “dharma body” (hosshin), and that therefore, the concept of dhatu differs from the concept of “original enlightenment.” I requested that Mr. Hakamaya did not use the terms “original enlightenment” and dhatu interchangeably when discoursing on dhatu-vada, as referred to in Mr. Matsumoto's writing. Mr. Matsumoto and Mr. Hakamaya responded to my proposal, defending their views.
At this time, I doubt that “original enlightenment” is dhatu, as found in the “Awakening of Faith in the Mahayana” (Kishin-ron)
The world of truth, which has no emergence and no disappearance, is the world of absoluteness. This human world, which has emergence and disappearance, is the relative world. While describing the Buddha's enlightenment in the relative world (shigaku), the concept of “original enlightenment” is expounded in order to emphasize the contrast between “original enlightenment” in the world of truth (hongaku) and the Buddha's enlightenment during His lifetime in India in the relative world (shigaku). Therefore, dhatu is not “original enlightenment.” This is my counter-response to Mr. Matsumoto and Mr. Hakamaya.

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An Shigao of the Parthian Empire arrived at Luoyang in the Late Han Dynasty, and initiated translation of Buddhist texts into Chinese. Because he was a first translator, he experienced various difficulties with respect to selection of appropriate vocabulary and idiom. The chief difficulty was to determine proper word choice and usage essentially by himself. This paper addressed the question of why no later translators shared An Shigao's equivalent for gatha, jue 絶 and why the translator Jiumoluoshi (支婁迦識) changed jue 絶 into ji 偈. Further, I explore why Shenajueduo (闍那崛多) in the Sui dynasty changed ji 偈 into qieta 伽他.

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The samadhi of the Lotus Sutra was taught to Zhiyi by Huisi on Mount Dasu. At that time Zhiyi reached a certain state. But Huisi judged what Zhiyi realized was the preliminary step. Huisi's preliminary step was to preach in accordance with the various living beings based on the Meaning of the Course of Ease and Bliss in the Lotus Sutra. There are two ways. One is to preach infinite meanings in accordance with living beings, the samadhi with infinite meanings (無量義三昧). The other is to manifest various figures in accordance with living beings, the samadhi that manifest the various figures universally (普現色身三昧). After the two samadhi that manifest infinite meanings are obtained, the samadhi of the Lotus Sutra that melds the infinite meanings into one is obtained. That is the perfect state at last.

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Since the seventh century, several miraculous stories of Buddhism were edited in China. The famous historian of Chinese Buddhism, Daoxuan, understood those stories through the ideas of ganying and gantong. He interpreted the two words as having the same meaning, signifing specific and amazing phenomena about faith in Buddhism. His interpretation of the two words influenced later editors.
It is the aim of this paper to define Daoxuan's interpretation of ganying and gantong and its influence on later generations, and also to examine the role of miraculous stories in Chinese Buddhism.

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No one has discussed the relation between the treatise on two bodies of the Buddha in the Wangsheng lunzhu 往生論註 and the treatise on the body of the Buddha in the Mahaprajnaparamitopadesa juan 29, because there are issues on interpretation of (1) the treatise on two bodies of the Buddha and of (2) the Mahaprajnaparamitopadesa. After due consideration of these two issues, I believe that the concept of the treatise on the body of the Buddha in the Mahaprajnaparamitopadesa 29 is closest to the treatise on two bodies of the Buddha in the Wangsheng lunzhu.

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This study tries to clarify the Sanlun (三論) scholar Jizang's thoguht regarding Pure Land ideas. In particular it considers the Wuliangshou visualization (無量寿観), and clarifies its relation to the repentance of the individual beyond the idea of acquisition (無所得人懺悔).

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We find in the chapter of Buddha's land (Fotu zhang 仏土章) in Ji's 基 Dacheng fayuan yilin zhang 大乗法苑義林章 his discussion of the body and land of the Buddha Amitabha. Here it is stated that Amitabha's pure land combines the sambhoga-kaya and nirmana-kaya lands. However, in the chapter on buddha-kaya, Sanshen yilin 三身義林 in the same work, there is a description which emphasizes that Amitabha is sambhoga-kaya, this opinion being justified by many scriptural citations. Especially Ji's interpretations of the Guyinsheng jing 鼓音聲経 and the Guanyin shouji jing 観音授記経 are unique and original. Ji did not accept the theory of Pure Land Buddhism (Jingtujiao 浄土教) that ordinary people (fanfu 凡夫) would be able to be born in a sambhoga-kaya's land only by invocation of Amitabha. But I wish to point out in this paper that he was very interested in the fact that Amitabha is a sambhoga-kaya.

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The Lianzong Baojian (T47, No. 1973; 10 fascicles) by Youtan Pudu (1199-1277) is one of the most important works on Pure-land Buddhism in the Yuan dynasty (1206-1368). In this work, Putu encouraged the drawing of a clear distinction between correct nianfo practices and evil ones, through which he attempted to prove the justice of nianfo practice and to systemize the Pure Land Buddhist doctrines that had been developed in China so far. In this sense, the Baojian is extremely important for us to understand the development of Pure-land Buddhism during the Yuan; however, Buddhist scholars have not paid serious attention to it. This article attempts to analyze the theory of nianfo practices in the Baojian and to clarify the influences of some renowned patriarchs upon it.

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The phrases for the two aspects of merit-transference, “aspect of going” (Wang-xiang 往相) and the “aspect of returning” (huanxiang 還相), in the Wang sheng lunzhu 往生論註 are not found in sutras and commentaries before the Wangsheng lun 往生論 (Treatise on Birth in the Pure Land) and the Wangsheng lunzhu (Commentary on the ‘Treatise of Birth in the Pure Land’). Therefore, these two phrases are taken to be the creation of Tanluan. The philosophical background of the “aspect of returning” (huanxiang) has been considered to be “the gate of traveling in the forest” (yuanlin youxidi men 園林遊戯地門) as described in the Wangsheng lun. While I agree that this concept is its primary philosophical background, I believe that the concept in the Mahaprajnaparamitopadesa, in which bodhisattvas are born in this world in order to enlighten all sentient beings, also informs its philosophical background.

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I discuss Tanluan's interpretation of “shixinzuofo shixinshifo 是心作佛是心是佛” in the Guan jing 観経 in relation to the Buddha's interpretation of “sanye zhuangyan gongde 三業荘厳功徳.” I believe that the interpretation of “shixinzuofo shixinshifo” Tanluan's Wangsheng lunzhu 往生論註 is a premise of the explanation, in which the body of Amida Buddha is visible to all sentient beings. I also believe that Tanluan tried to explain that the body of the Amida Buddha is not far from all sentient beings.

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Traditional studies conclude that Shandao's Pure Land Buddhism has the character of State Buddhism. But when we analyze the text of the Fashi zan in detail, another conclusion follows inevitably from our analysis. In the text of the Fashi zan (T47, p. 483a), Shandao prayed for the happiness of the Crown prince and the women in the seraglio. They were suffering under the tyranny of the Empress Wu. Considering the historical situation, Shandao's words in the text of the Fashi zan are not to be read as depicting the character of State Buddhism but rather as his remonstrance against Empress Wu.

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This paper reconsiders the applicability of Shun'ei Hirai's critical assessmeat of the ‘four interpretations’ of the Fahua wenju (Sections and Sentences of the Lotus Sutra): (1) interpretation according to cause and condition (因縁釈), (2) interpretation on the basis of doctrinal teaching (約教釈), (3) interpretation from the perspective of original ground and manifest trace (本迹釈), and (4) interpretation from the perspective of contemplating the mind (観心釈). On the basis of the substantial resemblance of Jizang's ‘four interpretations’ to the ‘four interpretations’ of the Fahua wenju, including their common adoption of ‘four’ categories, Hirai inferred that the system of the Fahua wenju was formed through reference to Jizang's ‘four interpretations,’ namely, (1) interpretation according to key constituent terms 随名釈 (or on the basis of key terms 依名釈), (2) interpretation on the basis of cause and condition 因縁釈 (or through mutual reference 互相釈; alternatively, through mutual conditioning 相資釈), (3) interpretation with intention to reveal ultimate reality 顕道釈 (or interpretation according to principle and teaching 理教釈), and (4) unlimited interpretation (無法釈). Hirai further noted that the ‘four interpretations’ of the Fahua wenju lacked both universality and suitability as a method for scriptural exegesis in comparison to Jizang's system.
However, the author has ascertained that ‘interpretation on the basis of doctrinal teaching’ and ‘interpretation from the perspective of contemplating the mind’ were already established in the Weimo wenshu (Interlinear Commentary on the Vimalakirti Sutra), and that forms of interpretation can be found there which also possibly anticipate the development of ‘interpretation according to cause and condition’ and ‘interpretation from the perspective of original ground and manifest trace.’ Therefore, even though it is conceivable that the four interpretations of the Fahua wenju were influenced by Jizang's four forms of interpretation, the author thinks that they were not a “totally pointless act of plagiarism” as Hirai has concluded. Moreover, the similarity of the two systems of interpretation suggested by Hirai (that is to say, the four interpretations of the Fahua wenju and the four interpretations of Jizang) are shown to be largely groundless.
If we were to ask whether the four interpretations are applied systematically through the entire text of the Fahua wenju, then one cannot say that this is the case, for it must be admitted that there are instances where the application is unsuccessful. When it comes to this kind of scriptural exegesis, the author thinks that perhaps we should be satisfied with simply presenting the basic idea and providing a few exemplary applications on behalf of the reader. In point of fact, interlinear sutra commentaries consist almost entirely of analytic parsing of sutra text and explanation of the meaning of individual words.
Finally, the author points out that three of Jizang's four interpretations are not only presented as a discrete set in Huijun's Dacheng silun xuanyi ji but that the beginnings of the ‘unlimited interpretation’ can also be seen there. Moreover, the form of interpretation in Jizang's system that properly corresponds to ‘interpretation from the perspective of contemplating the mind’ is not the ‘unlimited interpretation’ but, in fact, the ‘contemplation of non-arising (無生観)’ that appears in the Fahua tonglüe.

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The Tiantai zhuwen leiji (天台諸文類集) is the collection of explanations of the classified Tiantai Doctrine which Ruji (如吉) edited in the middle of the Northern Song.
The Tiantai zhuwen leiji is an excellent source through which we can approach Song period Tiantai doctrine. However, since it represents an unsystematized state of the doctrine, its importance has not been heretofore appreciated. Here I study the background to the formation of the Tiantai zhuwen leiji, and discuss its influence on later Buddhism.

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The Fahua xuanyi shiqian by Zhanran (711-782) is considered to be the first and most important commentary on the Fahua xuanyi which was lectured by Zhiyi (538-597) and compiled by Guanding (561-632). Basically, the study of the Shiqian so far, as well as the other works by Zhanran, has mostly relied on the Todai tendaigaku josetsu (An introduction to the Tendai teachings in the Tang: A study on the works by Tannen, 1966) by Hibi Sensho, who explained how Zhanran had lectured and compiled a commentary on the Fahua xuanyi from the Tianbao era (742-756) to the second year of Guangde era (764). Although the outline of Hibi's supposition can be accepted, his argument contains a serious historical error which had a direct effect on his construction process of the Shiqian. This article attempts to indicate that historical error and then to reconsider the construction process of the text during the period 758-764.

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The term “Honjinanjikyochi本地難思境智 (The inconcerivable state of the Original Buddha where Buddha wisdom and Dharma-kaya became one)” can be found in Volume 10 of Chang-an's “the Commentary on the Fahua wenchu.” The Original Buddha is revealed in 16 of the Lotus Sutra, in which the word means the Perfect Enlightenment that the Buddha acquired. The thought of the Original Enlightenment has developed in the Tendai sect of Japan.
The interpretation of the word by Nichiren is similar to the interpretation of Chang-an. However, Nichiren understood the Hommon Sections of the Lotus Sutra as the center of all Buddhist Texts. Therefore, he has come to realize “The inconcerivable state of the Original Buddha where Buddha wisdom and Dharma-kaya became one” as the Fundamental Truths of the Lotus Sutra.
In the history of the subsequent Nichiren religious group, the term was interpreted variously. The opinion influenced by the interpretation of Japanese Tendai sect is also in it.

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The idea of enmitsu-itchi 円密一致 [The identity of the essential purport of the Perfect Teaching of Tendai and Esoteric Buddhism]is the basic position of Taimitsu 台密. There are two types of enmitsu-itchi:one is the idea of rido-jii 理同事異 [The Perfect Teaching of Tendai is identical to Esoteric Buddhism in principle, but in practice each one is different], the other is the idea of rido-jido 理同事同 [The Perfect Teaching is identical to Esoteric Buddhism in both principle and practice]. Most centrally, Anne 安然 (841-898?) and Ninku 仁空 (1309-1388)emphasized the idea of rido-jii, and secondarily the two scholars referred to the idea of rido-jido too. The two scholars adopted ‘Denpo-shoja-ketsuryaku’ 伝法聖者闕略 as the idea of rido-jido, meaning “When the Buddha preached the practice of the three mysteries (sanmitsugyo 三密行) Denpo-shoja 伝法聖者 listened to the Buddha preach in his presence. But they could not record the practice of the three mysteries in a sutra (ketsuryaku 闕略), because their faculties were not mysterious.” Particularly Ninku frequently referred to ‘Denpo-shoja-ketsuryaku’, and he construted the idea of enmitsu-itchi much more solidly.

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In this paper I would like to consider the cultivation of Yingsheng juanzhu and all living things that receive it, and the structure and the relationship of the two.
First, I would like to draw attention to the fact that in Gongde liyi miao (功徳利益妙), the tenth of the ten categories of Miao (妙) of Jimen (迹門) described in the Fahua xuanyi (法華玄義), it is indirectly written that the profits of perfect teaching Yuanjiao xiangsi ji (円教相似即) are equal to the profits of Shibaodu-ren (実報土人), and at the same time, are also equal to the profits of Ershiwuyou (二十五有), including the lowest hell.
Next, quoting a passage from Xingmiao (行妙) in the Fahua xuanyi in which the Wuzuo sidi of Huishengzing (慧聖行) is described, I will state the relation and structure of Yuanjiao xiangsi ji and all living things that receive it, showing that by entering Huanxidi (歓喜地), the above-mentioned profits of perfect teaching Yuanjiao xiangsi ji show the full extent of their abilities.
The perfect teaching is a teaching for superior bodhisattvas; but on the other hand, perfect teaching is a sufficiently great teaching to help those in the lowest level of hell.
Therefore, by actively relating to the lowest level of beings, Shibaodu-ren conquers his ignorance, helps the promotion of the Middle Way, ignorance and the Middle Way are tied together, and there is an increase in the power to take away wu (無). This is the structure of profits and merit of Yuanjiao xi angsi ji.

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This text was composed of three sections, “Outline of the chapter of the Lotus Sutra”, “Interpretation of the chapters' names”, and “Analytical division of the sutra”. Even though there have been several researches on this issue, the problem has not been resolved.
In this paper, I consider the concept of “the five natures” in the first section, the characteristics of the interpretation of the chapters' names of the second section, and the difference between the analytical division of the Fahua wenju and that of the third section.
According to my research, the text does not seem to have been written by Zhanran.

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This thesis argues against the idea that “where there is principle (li) it is dhatu-vada, and that is not Buddhism.” As far as Zhiyi (智〓) is concerned, he does not perceive that principle exists separately from self. For him, there is no self that beholds principle, and no principle that is observed; principle is recognized in a state beyond existence and nonexistence. Zhiyi's concept is that principle is not with others but with oneself and becomes evident while living within the teachings of Buddha's way. From the above points, it is possible to argue that for Zhiyi, the principle is not a perception that basically exists, and it is not dhatu-vada.

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The 28 scrolls that comprise the Weimojing wenshu 維摩經文疏 are one of the most important commentaries on the Vimalakirtinirdesa 維摩詰所説經 as translated b Kumarajiva 鳩摩羅什 Tiantai Zhiyi 天台智〓 completed his commentary of the sutra's first eight chapters as far as the 25th scroll before his death, and the remaining three scrolls were subsequently completed by his disciple Guanding 灌頂. In these subsequent commentaries, sentences from the original sutra are inserted.
According to the notes, the first 25 scrolls had been accurately preserved with the sura inserts intact. I can surmise with a reasonable certainty that they preserve Zhiyi's sutra inserts very closely.
Problems do remain, however. There are many small differences between the Weimonjing wenshu's sutra inserts and the sutra itself as it appears in the Taisho Canon vol. 14. Therefore, in this paper I have researched the Vimalakirtinirdesa text dated close to the time of Zhiyi, as far as the eighth chapter. On the basis of this research, I was able to point out areas with particular relevance to Zhiyi.

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In this article I have re-examined the stupa inscription for Songyuan Chongyue (松源崇岳), which was written by Lu You (陸游) and included in his Weinan Anthology. According to the inscription, Songyuan was enlightened upon hearing Mi'an Xianjie's (密庵咸傑) instructions on Muan Anyong's (木庵安永) phrase, “opening one's mouth is not on the tongue.” Muan Anyong was a second-generation successor to Dahui (大慧). Afterward, this phrase came to represent Songyuan's teaching. The phrase's meaning is examined on the basis of two of his general lectures (普説), in which both the experience of great enlightenment based on the koan and having an encounter with a good Zen master are important. Thus this koan becomes referred to as “a single koan that exhausts the great earth” and “the koan of the immediate manifestation of one's original allotment.”

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Parallelisms between the early stage of Chars Buddhism (禅宗) and the Mahayana-Bodhisattva-sila Movement (大乗菩薩戒運動) have been pointed out. Northern Song Chan's (北宗) Wushen Fangbian men (無生方便門), Shenhui's Platform-Words (壇語), the Lidai fabao ji and the Dunhuang Platform Sutra of the Sixth Patriarch (六祖壇経)" 〈Mind-ground-Formless-sila (心地無相戒)〉 record the giving and receiving of the Mahayana-Bodhisattva-CIla according to the rites prescribed in the Fanwang jing (梵網経) since the Fourth Patriarch Daoxin (四祖道信). That Shenhui's Platform Words also has the character of a ritual for conferring the bodhisattvasila has been pointed out. However, the rite in the Platform Words was seen as having a transient character belonging to traditional sila studies preceding the Sixth Patriarch Huineng's (六祖慧能) Mind-ground-Formless-sila (心地無相戒). But by this report, I want to try to reexamine a conventional opinion about Shenhui's (神會) Bodhisattva-sila thought and its historic positioning, taking as a clue a record of a sermon found in the beginning part of his Platform Words.

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Dahui Zonggao (大慧宗杲) is famous as the Chan master who established “Kanhua-Chan (看話禅)”. Dahui explains the structure of Kanhua-Chan by using the concepts of “shijue (始覚)” and “benjue (本覚)”, that appear in the Dacheng qixin lun (大乗起信論). However Dahui quoted these terms not from the Dacheng qixin lun, but from another text, the Qingjinghaiyan jing (清浄海眼経) written by Zhang Shangying (張商英).
First, we verify from the descriptions of the Shoulenyanjing zhizhangjie (楞厳経指掌解) and the Shoulenyanjing gelun (楞厳経合論) that the Suramgama-samadhi-nirdesa (楞厳経) is rewritten by Zhang Shangying as the Qingjinghaiyan jing. Next, we examine Dahui's intention to quote the words shijue (始覚) and benjue (本覚) from the Qingjinghaiyan Jing.
It was only a part of the beginning of Suramgama-samadhi-nirdesa that Dahui quoted from the Qingjinghaiyan Jing. This part, that is rushi wo wen, yishi fo zai (如是我聞, 一時仏在), is a sentence commom to every sutra, verifying that what follows is the true word of the Buddha. This was the main reason why Dahui quoted it.
The real intention of Buddha for Dahui was that one must experience and master Awakening by himself. Then, Dahui strongly criticized the method of Mozhao Chan (黙照禅), which claims that we obtain original Buddhahood as it is. That was also the reason why Dahui put emphasis on Kanhua-Chan.

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I have rcsearched disciples who were guided by Nanyue Huisi (南岳慧思), Tiantai Zhiyi (天台智〓) and various teachers of Tiantai, and those who practised Chan meditation in Mt. Tiantai (天台山) referring to the Tiantai Zhizhe Daishi biezhuan 『智者大師別伝』 and the Guoqing bailu 『国清百録』 as supporting materials.
As a result, it was possible to confirm 41 disciples including not only priests but also laymen by means of searching “changuan 禅観 (sitting in mednation)”, and “chanfa 懺法 (method of repentance)” recorded in the Xu Gaoseng zhuan (『唐高僧伝』).
In this thesis, I have focused on such disciples as Huicui (慧〓), Huicheng (惠成), Huiming (慧命), Zhiyi (智〓), Huiyao (慧耀), Huichao (慧超) and Huisi (慧思), and tried to examine the trends in which Buddhist ascetics led and trained by Nanyue Huisi practised Chan meditation, based on the Xu gaoseng zhuan.
In a concrete form, I have tried to examine what kinds of training methods were practised by disciples belonging to the Huisi group, and in which regions in China they existed, in accordance with philological methods.

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Enlightenment is a fundamental issue in Buddhism, and it is the central concern of Zen as well. This study examines the understanding of enlightenment in the Congrong lu in comparison with the Biyan lu, with some observations made. In regard to the stages of training and the fruits thereof, the Congrong lu does not recognize any significant differences, but the Biyan lu accepts a tentative difference. Therefore, it is important to realize the essence of humanity (the “original face”) in the Congrong lu, and a major feature of that work is its emphasis on living freely without attachment to the concept of enlightenment.

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This document is based on the division of time named “the twelve horary signs,” and elaborated in the twelve kinds of verses. The unknown author of this document states his thought and practices of Chan through these verses. This was formed under the influence of the Northern Chan School before the eighth century, characterized by Nembutsu (Buddha-Contemplation)-Chan syncretism.

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In this article, I have examined a Korean text An Account of the Coming East of Huineng's Dingxiang written by a Korean monk Kakhun (覚訓). It tells the story that a Silla monk Kim Deabi (金大悲) tried to cut the head off the corpse of Huineng, an episode mentioned in the Jingde Chuandenglu (1004). However, this document is based on two materials: the Sanggaesa jingamsonsa daegong tappi _双渓寺真鑑禅師大空塔碑 and the Samguk yusa 三国遺事. Two problems are focused on here. First, a ‘Dingxiang’ portrait of a Chan master is equivalent to a ‘head’; second, the creation of the monk Kim Deabi 金大悲 just originated from a sentence that “there is a statue of Taebi 大悲 in Paengnyul (栢栗) Temple”.

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This paper is a study about the reason why Ryochu (良忠) wrote the Ketto Jushuin Gimonsho (決答授手印疑問抄). Honen, Shoko (聖光), and subsequently Ryochu, throughout their lives held a relative, not an absolute, standpoint. The typical explanation of this standpoint is just a metaphor of two rivers and a white path (niga-byakudo 二河白道), and we must try to understand the three thoughts (sanjin 三心) through this metaphor.

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The Dacheng wuliangshou zhuangyan jing 大乗無量寿荘厳経 (Zhuangyan jing 荘厳経) was translated in the Song period as another version of the Wuliangshou jing 無量寿経. No one has explained when this text was imported into Japan. Shoko noted in one of his works that he saw a copy of the Zhuangyan jing at the Munakata shrine. So we know that the Zhuangyan jing was imported before the Koryo printed version. Shoko quoted this text in his Jodoshu yoshu (Seijuyo) and Tetsu senchaku hongan nenbutushu (Tetsusenchaku). Therefore, we know that Shoko made a careful reading of the Zhuangyan jing and tried to resolve the difficult points of the original text. Shoko's works, Seijuyo and Tetsu senchaku, that quoted the Zhuangyan jing were written in his later years. The most explicit details were expounded in the Tetsu senchaku. I believe Shoko's thought changed from the Seijuyo to the Tetsu senchaku.

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In this article, I examine how Yukai understood the concept of bonno-soku-bodai (klesa or afflictions are the same as bodhi or enlightenment). Yukai (1345-1416) was a Muromachi era scholar-monk of the Shingon School. In his first work, the Hokyosho, he criticized the heretical Tachikawa Sect emphasizing their misunderstanding of bonno-soku-bodai. In his treatise, the bonno-soku-bodai-gi, he used Kukai's classification from The Ten Stages of the Development of Mind (Jujushinron) to analyze and rank bonno-soku-bodai in ten stages. He insisted that each stage be considered carefully and that bonno-soku-bodai be accurately understood according to the Shingon School's teachings. Yukai's fundamental interpretation of bonno-soku-bodai was based on Kukai's philosophy and then further developed.

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The “Notion of the Threefold Mind” is a sermon in the Daigobon Honen Shonin Denki. But this sermon has many problems, and there is the debate whether it is Honen's own sermon or not. Here I propose a new position.
The “Notion of the Threefold Mind” has 27 articles. But some articles contradict each other. The first article has been expressed from the position that the Threefold Mind is given from Amida Buddha. However, the third has been expressed from the position that the Threefold mind is the mind which sentient beings should possess.
In the “Ryaku-senchaku” (summary) of the Senchakushu, Honen has taught that sentient beings have the ability for the desire to escape from the cycle of birth-and-death. So the first article seems not to be Honen's thought.
Also the fourth and fourteenth articles are described from a different idea. The fourth's thought differs from Honen's view of a human being.
From such a viewpoint I suggest that the “Notion of the Threefold Mind” is not a sermon by Honen, but that it was compiled from memorandums (of Genchi, Honen's disciple), either of Honen's sermon or of ideas other than Honen's.

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It is said that “The Answer to the Kamakura Second Degree Zen Nun” (hereafter (1)) and “The Answer to Tsunoto no Saburo Entering the Way” (on September 18) (hereafter (2)) were written by Honen-bo Genku. Because there are some similar sentences in them, it seems that one preceded the other.
The purpose of this paper is to examine which one was written first. I conclude that (2) was written first, then (1) was written relying on (2) by a later and different writer.
Having compared the contents of two letters, I have found that some sentences in (1) are out of context with (2). I have also found that some of the first half of each sentence are extremely similar, while the corresponding second halves are completely different. Therefore, I suppose that these two letters were written by different writers.

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Zonkaku (1290-1373) was the fourth generation descendant of Shinran, the founder of the Jodoshin school of Japanese Buddhism. He traveled throughout Japan with his father Kakunyo, and wrote many books to spread Shinran's doctrine.
This paper will analyze his reason for writing the Hoonki. Zonkaku believed that filial piety in Buddhism is better than filial piety in Confucianism. In Confucianism filial piety brings happiness in this life, but in Buddhism filial piety brings happiness in both this life and the life to come. Nembutsu is the best expression of filial piety.

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In my paper I wish to discuss Shinran's idea of the change of time. Shinran states:
The person who lives true shinjin, however, abides in the stage of the truly settled, for he has already been grasped, never to be abandoned. There is no need to wait in anticipation for the moment of death, no need to rely on Amida's coming. At the time shinjin becomes settled, birth too becomes settled (Letters of Shinran, Hongwanji International Center, 1978: 20)
Shinran emphasizes that there is no need to rely on Amida's coming at the moment of death. In this passage we can find that Shinran made clear the truth of salvation in the present life. This change of salvation's time-from the moment of death to the present life-is Shinran's idea of the change of time.

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This essay intends to discuss the subject of the criticism of faith through Shan-tao's treatment in the “Chapter of Non-meditative Practice” which Shinran quoted in the “Chapter of the Transformed Buddha-Bodies and Lands” of the Kyogyoshinsho. Hereby, I want to investigate the characteristic or the difference of faith of all creatures that Shinran clarified in the “Chapter of the Transformed Buddha-Bodies and Lands.”

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The Japanese phrase, Kono jihi shijunashi in the fourth passage of the Tannisho, has been understood to mean that our compassion is not throughgoing. But in my opinion it means that it is endless. Tannisho collects Shinran's sayings. By reading this book, we understand that Shinran is a man of compassion.

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In the “Shobogenzo hokketenhokke” (正法眼蔵,法華転法華) we find the expression “yokuryo shujo kai ji go nyu” (欲令衆生,開示悟入). It have been thought that Dogen (道元) quotes this expression from the “Hokekyo hobenbon” (法華経方便品). However, I wondered about this, and investigated a number of sources. As a result, I believe that Dogen (道元) quoted this expression from the Shoulengyan yishuzhu jing (首楞厳義疏注経) of Zixuan (子〓).

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Nichiren's attitude was to vigorously promote his ideas. Focusing on engagingin as much communication as he could with his followers, he was a prolific letter writer, thus producing a great volume of writings. A collection of about 280 of his authenticated works are contained in the volume The Complete Works of Nichiren Shonin, co-authored by Dr. Hoyo Watanabe and Dr. Hosho Komatsu. This volume is upheld as the standard for present-day research on Nichiren Shonin. There are about 260 works in the collection that are classified as letters, although some of these are quite lengthy and could be considrered as treatises or theses. My purpose for this presentation is to try to classify these letters by purpose and subject.

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In the Taiseki-ji school of Nichiren Buddhism, it is claimed that the most profound and important teachings of Nichiren have been passed exclusively from one high priest to another, through a process of “transmission of the heritage of the Law to only one person” (yuiju ichinin kechimyaku sojo). The purpose of this paper is not to ascertain whether this claim is true or not, but to point out that the core content of this so-called secret transmission of teachings appears to have already been disclosed by the school's 26th high priest, Nichikan. In this paper, I will clarify the validity of my hypothesis by reexamining Nichikan's writings from the viewpoint of disclosure of the transmission teachings of the Taiseki-ji school.

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Over the past several centuries, remarkable progress has been accomplished in many fields of our world via scientific thinking and analysis. Yet, despite all the technical apparatus of our sciences, we still cannot fathom the many mysteries of life.
The idea of this treatise aims to demonstrate a common thread of thought running between the Buddhist scholar Daisetz Suzuki and the Christian mystic Meister Eckhart. Through our studies of these two religious giants a globalistic view will emerge.

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How did the Meiji Buddhist Kiyozawa Manshi consider the Shinshu Otani school to which he belonged? Further, what was Kiyozawa's ideal sangha? I would like to address these questions in this paper. In order to follow a request from the Otani school, Kiyozawa, who had studied in Tokyo, returned to Kyoto. It is easy to imagine that the Sangha that Kiyozawa had pictured in his mind and the actual situation he faced in Kyoto were vastly different. In fact, after returning to Kyoto, Kiyozawa gravely pondered over how the Otani school could be reformed. This plan did not go smoothly, however, and the despondent Kiyozawa, along with comrades, began a reform movement. Although this movement would fail, through this failure the Otani school gradually shifted to a scholarly denomination. Through examining Kiyozawa's life and his relationship with the Otani school, it is obvious that he held that restructuring of the sangha could be done through the restructuring of doctrine. Hence, Kiyozawa's understanding of the sangha can be seen through his own existence as an individual living daily life in the Meiji period, and also in his attempt at modernizing and personifying Shinshu doctrine.

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On Kiyozawa Manshi's view of reason, there is a famous statement in his first book, Shukyo tetsugaku gaikotsu. In its English translation, The Skeleton of A Philosophy of Religion, the passage runs as follows:
If there are two propositions, the one of reason and the other of faith, we should rather take the former instead of the latter.
Based on this statement, it has been suggested that in his early period Kiyozawa considered reason more important than faith. However, we should also note the following statement in the same book.
But remember that the nature of reason is incompleteness, i. e, reason can never be complete in its range or series of propositions, one proposition linking to or depending on the other ad infinitum, so that if any one relies on reason alone, he might never be able to attain the solid resting place of religious belief.
From this, we can understand that Kiyozawa was aware of the problem of reason. Therefore, when we consider Kiyozawa Manshi's view of reason, we must take into account both his appreciation and criticism of reason.

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Nozoki Karakuri is a street performance. It took place in the 17th century. Spectators watch moving dolls and pictures, and so on, through a glass window in a box. Among the painted pictures, many were drawn from the idea of Buddhist Hell and Paradise. Nozoki Karakuri has been preserved in Fukae town, Nagasaki prefecture. It is one of the cultural treasures of Japanese Buddhism.

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Minobusan Kuonji-temple is Nichiren's hallowed ground. Nichiren lived in Minobusan in over nine years. Minobusan's hallowed ground was formed in medieval time.
This paper inquires into the time and places of worship in Minobusan region on the basis of their relevant materials.

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Fujaku (1707-1781) was a scholar-monk representative of the early modern period in Japan. He idealized the times of the historical Buddha and as a Vinaya monk practiced the Four-Part Vinaya. Scholarship to date has defined Fujaku as a heretic from the traditional doctrines. Huayan scholars have also criticized Fujaku's Huayan thinking, claiming that he is biased toward practice.
Fujaku considered the five kinds of teaching classified by the Huayan as something practiced by himself over a distance of many lives. The Huayan philosophy has supported his practice from the present time to the time of his becoming a Buddha in the distant future. Fujaku's approach integrates “the lesser vehicle” which the historical Sakyamuni preached in his time with “the great vehicle” which arose after the death of Sakyamuni by using the Huayan school's hermeneutical scheme of the five kinds of teaching. In his view, both kinds of vehicles become the one practical path to becoming Buddha. From a historical point of view, Fujaku's theory is the early modern Buddhist's answer to the problem that the historical Buddha could not have preached the Mahayana sutras.

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