マス・コミュニケーション研究
Online ISSN : 2432-0838
Print ISSN : 1341-1306
ISSN-L : 1341-1306
91 巻
選択された号の論文の21件中1~21を表示しています
■特集 沖縄とメディア
  • 具志堅 勝也
    2017 年 91 巻 p. 3-21
    発行日: 2017/07/31
    公開日: 2017/11/07
    ジャーナル フリー

     While some state that“ the Tokyo-based national media pay little attention

    to issues relating to U.S. military bases in Okinawa,” the conservatives argue

    that the coverage of local media in Okinawa is unfair, focusing only on protests

    against the stationing of the U.S. army. The gap between the national media

    with headquarters in Tokyo and the Okinawa-based local media was created by

    the different histories of both sides after the Pacific War. When the campaign

    against the proposed revision of the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty surged in 1960,

    the U.S. government acted not only on Japanese political and business leaders,

    but also on the media to maneuver the silencing of criticism against the treaty

    revision. They also moved their military bases from the Japanese mainland to

    Okinawa and turned the eyes of the majority of Japanese citizens away from

    issues concerning the treaty. Although the severe suppression of dissidents was

    enforced in U.S.-occupied Okinawa, an immense surge of movement towards

    the reversion of Okinawa to Japan took place and the 20-year-long struggle of

    mass media in Okinawa against suppression resulted in their winning the freedom

    of speech. While the local media have continued to protest against the concentration

    of U.S. military bases that have persisted even after Okinawa’s

    reversion to Japan in 1972, the Tokyo-based national mass media pays little

    attention to issues related to the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty due to the effective

    maneuvers of both the government of the United States and that of Japan to

    hide the military-related issues between the two nations. It is still unforeseeable

    that the gap between the local and national media will be narrowed.

      The intensifying confrontation between the Shinzo Abe Cabinet and the

    Governor of Okinawa Prefecture, Takeshi Onaga, as well as the heated political

    argument concerning national security legislation, have stimulated anew the

    interests of the Tokyo-based national media in the issues of the relocation of

    Marine Corps Air Station Futenma. While the Abe Cabinet tries to forcefully

    build a new military base in the Henoko coastal area in compensation for the

    Air Station Futenma as proof of the strengthening of the Japan-U.S. military

    alliance, the local Governor continues to appeal against the national government’s

    plans. Media regarded as liberal are especially becoming more attentive to thevoices of people in Okinawa than they were before. The Abe Cabinet, however,

    has put pressure on the media to manipulate its coverage, and it seems that the

    approach of“ guessing the will of the Cabinet and hesitating to irritate them” is

    beginning to prevail, which affects media coverage.

  • 宮城 修
    2017 年 91 巻 p. 23-40
    発行日: 2017/07/31
    公開日: 2017/11/07
    ジャーナル フリー

     “U.S. Military Base Issues in Okinawa” refers to the issues and problems

    caused by the presence of U.S. Military bases in Okinawa. People living in

    Okinawa have been tormented by accidents and incidents caused by the U.S.

    Army. The U.S.-Japan Status of Forces Agreement has prevented inhabitants

    as well as national and local governments from taking effective action to solve

    the problems caused by the U.S. Army. This article reports how the regional

    newspaper“ Ryukyu Shimpo” has grappled with such issues and problems.

      Right before the outbreak of the Pacific War, the then-Japanese government

    forced “Ryukyu Shimpo” to be integrated with other papers into “Okinawa

    Shimpo” as the single regional newspaper published in Okinawa. After

    the integration, the newspaper cooperated with the government to fight the

    war and played the part to raise the fighting sprits of inhabitants. The lesson

    that people working for the newspaper learned from the experience during the

    war was that “we must not write to help the government wage a war again.”

    With this principle in mind, the journalists working for“ Ryukyu Shimpo” tackle

    the issues concerning the presence of the U.S. Military bases. On the other

    hand, the national government of Japan apparently learned how to successfully

    control public opinion from its experience during the war period.

      The suffering caused by the stationing of the U.S. Army began at the

    moment when the Japanese government abandoned Okinawa and provided the

    United States with the most southern prefecture in Japan as a military base in

    exchange for the restoration of the sovereignty of mainland Japan. The message

    issued by the Japanese emperor regarding the Okinawa War confirmed

    that Okinawa was sacrificed for the restoration of Japan’s sovereignty. Even

    after the U.S. government handed over Okinawa to the administration of Japan,the Japanese government requested that the U.S. government maintain their

    military bases and that the U.S. keep them in Okinawa. This is why people in

    Okinawa have been tormented by the problems that the U.S. Army causes.

      “Ryukyu Shimpo” has repeatedly reported the issues and problems concerning

    the U.S. bases. It constantly reports the unfairness and unjustness of

    the U.S.-Japan Status of Forces Agreement and campaigns for its revision. The

    national news media, however, are not so eager to report the issues in Okinawa

    caused by the U.S. Military bases.

      The current Abe Cabinet put the Act on the Protection of Specially Designated

    Secrets into force, which is argued to have the consequences of shrinking

    the activities of journalists. In Okinawa, journalists were exposed to pressure

    from the national government. A notable incident occurred in which journalists

    were detained at the site of their coverage of the Okinawa U.S. bases. While the

    spirit of the Japanese Constitution that stipulates the renouncement of war is

    faltering, the raison d’être of journalists are called into question.

  • 山城 紀子
    2017 年 91 巻 p. 41-50
    発行日: 2017/07/31
    公開日: 2017/11/07
    ジャーナル フリー

    Any journalist in Okinawa cannot avoid tackling such issues as the damages,

    accidents, and incidents that took place during the Battle of Okinawa and

    the 27-year-long occupation by the United States. The changes to ways of life

    and the environment after Okinawa’s reversion to Japan are also major issues

    that journalists must work to cover. June 23, the day when the Battle of

    Okinawa ended in 1945, was designated as Okinawa Memorial Day by an

    Okinawa Prefecture bylaw established in 1974 to remember and pray for the

    victims of the Battle of Okinawa as well as to desire world-wide peace for all

    time. Every year around Okinawa Memorial Day media organizations produce

    special feature programs and articles regarding issues related to the U.S. occupation

    and the presence of military bases. At major anniversary years commemorating

    the end of the war or Okinawa’s reversion to Japan, like the 50th

    anniversary of the war, almost every media organization runs year-long special

    feature programs or articles. We often see a special team formed to work on

    the feature programs and a journalist assigned to deeply and extensively cover

    specific topics regarding the Battle of Okinawa and the stationing of the U.S.

    Army in Okinawa. The number of programs aired and articles written regarding

    such issues is enormous. However, many stories are still left untold.

      There are many issues hard for the persons involved to tell and for journalists

    to ask about even after the passing of many years since the war. Issues

    concerning minorities are examples of such difficult topics. What happened to

    mentally handicapped persons during the Battle of Okinawa? How about physically

    handicapped persons and the patients of Hansen’s disease? It took more

    than 70 years after the end of the war for journalists to review history from the

    perspectives of the victims of sexual violence and mentally challenged persons

    and reconsider the mental damages caused by the war and occupation. These

    issues may not be new and may not have been unknown. However, these issues

    have seldom been discussed and their amount of coverage has been extremely

    limited, which may have had the consequence of hiding them from the public

    eye. With the background that the Japanese government forcefully put forward

    the plan to build a new base in Okinawa against the will of local inhabitants, the

    author considers the Battle of Okinawa and the history of the U.S. occupation

    from the viewpoints of minorities.

  • 吉岡 至
    2017 年 91 巻 p. 51-63
    発行日: 2017/07/31
    公開日: 2017/11/07
    ジャーナル フリー

     This paper aims to consider the role of local journalism from the positionality

    of Okinawan newspapers concerning what is called “Okinawa Problem”

    (Okinawa-mondai,), especially problems related to the U.S. military base in

    Okinawa.

      When a U.S. military helicopter crashed over Okinawa International University

    in the summer of 2004, the accident was reported as a news event with

    important and contrasting differences between the articles of mainland media

    and Okinawan media. It can be considered that these differences were generated

    by their different standards of news values and the differences in the positionality

    of the event as news media.

     In this paper, I try to explain the positionality and the role of Okinawan

    local newspapers, namely Ryukyu Simpo and Okinawa Times, in taking up the

    news event of the rape and murder of a woman by a U.S. military contractor

    that occurred in the spring of 2016, and by analyzing the news reports, special

    features, and editorials relating to the Okinawa mass protest rallies on June 19

    against the vicious crime.

      Results of my research show that both newspapers are positioned not only

    as “agents” embodying and reflecting “the will of the people,” the sentiments

    and thoughts of Okinawan people who have been forced to bear the heavy burden

    of U.S. military bases, but also as “parties involved” standing on the same

    side as the Okinawan people or sitting close together, by always reporting baserelated

    problems like accidents, crimes, noise pollution, and environmental

    destruction that affect their living space.

  • 吉本 秀子
    2017 年 91 巻 p. 65-79
    発行日: 2017/07/31
    公開日: 2017/11/07
    ジャーナル フリー

    Emperor Hirohito’s radio announcement of the Japanese surrender on

    August 15, 1945 was a mediated collective experience for mainland Japanese

    people, but the Okinawan experience was different as a result of media deprivation.

    On the same day, the U.S. Military Government of Okinawa announced

    Japan’s defeat to local Okinawan leaders, handing out the Uruma Shimpo, a

    handwritten Japanese language mimeograph prepared in a U.S. civilian camp.

    The Uruma Shimpo headlined Japan’s acceptance of the Potsdam Declaration

    as good news: “a long-waited peace finally came!” The Emperor’s rescript was

    not published in the same issue, but on September 12 after the 9.2 Surrender

    Ceremony on the U.S. Missouri between Japan and the Allied Powers. Based on

    U.S. archives and the reconsideration of Okinawan memoires, this paper discusses

    the U.S. occupation force’s strategic suppression of the presence of the

    Japanese Emperor as a symbol in order to psychologically detach Okinawans as

    part of their plan to separate Okinawa from mainland Japan. However, on September

    12, the U.S. Military Government of Okinawa published the rescript for

    the purpose of psychological warfare to effectively organize the U.S. mopping

    up operations, targeting Japanese soldiers and local civilians who still showed

    resistance. While the U.S. Military Government regarded the Uruma Shimpo as

    their official newspaper for disseminating news regarding the Japanese surrender

    to the Okinawan society without any civilian media, the Okinawans engaged in

    its early production regarded it as their own newspaper. The Ryukyu Shimpo,

    the successor of the Uruma Shimpo, documented the mimeograph days in a

    corporate publication in 1973. Unable to fully record the experience in 1945

    under U.S. censorship, the Okinawan press reported the media history after the

    reversion.

■論文
  • 魯 諍
    2017 年 91 巻 p. 83-102
    発行日: 2017/07/31
    公開日: 2017/11/07
    ジャーナル フリー

     This study analyzes reports on the National Party Congress( from the 13th

    to the 18th) of China in the Yomiuri Shimbun and the Asahi Shimbun. Two categories

    of reports,“ articles on the opening of the Party Congress” and“ a serial

    article on the National Party Congress” are examined using Fairclough’s method

    of genre analysis.

      This study examined how “genre chains” and “genre mixing,” leading to

    discourse over China’s one-party system, have changed over time. The Yomiuri

    Shimbun and the Asahi Shimbun, which are said to have different political positions,

    show the same tendency.

      First,“ genre chains” from“ official documents” to“ expository arguments”

    was confirmed in the articles on the “keynote political report” of the Party

    Congress. It showed that the newspaper emphasized how to explain the report

    instead of the report itself. In an “explanatory discussion” of a “keynote political

    report,” there is a tendency to combine various genres such as“ official document,”“

    interview,”“ news story,” etc. into new“ formats.” Due to this“ genre

    mixing,” the functions of the original genres and the texts using them change.

      Second, in the series of articles on the National Party Congress, the main

    genre gradually changes from“ argument” to“ narrative.” More stories and episodes

    were used to express the conflict between the one-party system and the

    market economy, and the detailed description of facts increased in the “narra tive” genre. Along with these changes, the facts picked up in articles changed

    from “reference material” to “grounds of an argument.” The author argued

    that the above tendency amplified the risk that specific logic could become

    fixed and the exclusion of the possibility of constructing other logic. Such a tendency

    is presumed to be related to the lack of diversity of discussions about

    Chinese society in recent years.

  • 池上 賢
    2017 年 91 巻 p. 103-121
    発行日: 2017/07/31
    公開日: 2017/11/07
    ジャーナル フリー

     In this paper, we discuss the relationship between the identity of audiences

    and their experiences of manga. Firstly, from a theoretical perspective, we discuss

    the outcomes and problems of the constructivist view of audience research.

    Secondly, we point out that the notion of narrative identity and the idea of

    media as a resource is effective. In addition, we argue that the process of positioning

    manga experiences as an element of audience’s narratives while they

    talk about their life stories is effective. We analyzed the data by using the life

    story method of dialogical constructionism. As a result of our analysis, we found

    following findings: first, in the narration of manga experience related to identity,

    manga experience was positioned in a certain role in an individual’s life story.

    Secondly, the construction of the identity using the manga experience as a

    resource was not done by an individual alone, but was carried out in participation

    with others. Thirdly, the characteristics of manga as media were involved

    in the construction of the narratives, specifically the fact that characters in

    shonen manga are often shown in their growth into adults, that shojo manga

    often includes transgender characters and that manga is made up of“ pictures

    and words” so that it is easy to share and has a high level of communicability.

    In contemporary society, media such as comics occupy an important position as

    a resource for audience’s identities, and an accumulation of research on the subject

    is required in the future.

  • 曲 揚
    2017 年 91 巻 p. 123-141
    発行日: 2017/07/31
    公開日: 2017/11/07
    ジャーナル フリー

    This paper discusses the political propaganda activities of Japan against

    China during the Second Sino-Japanese War by analyzing Dentsu Inc.’s Chinese

    magazine from 1938 to 1944.

      After the investigation and arrangement of the publication activities of

    Dentsu Inc. during the Second Sino-Japanese War, this paper uncovers another

    side of Dentsu Inc. that differs from its well-known identity as an advertising

    company. On this basis, this paper analyzes the content of Dentsu Inc.’s Chinese

    magazine in combination with its historical context. The content of the magazine

    transformed from its original coverage of trade, economic reviews, and

    comprehensive monthly reviews into that of a literary magazine. Its development

    appears to show its transformation from a trade information magazine

    unrelated to Japan’s national policy into a weapon for opinions and ideological

    warfare. However, this magazine was designed with a definite propaganda

    object and purpose since its first publication. The characteristics of the magazine

    include:( 1) duality of superficial Sino-Japan cooperation and domination by

    Japanese;(2) magazine content in unilateral transmission from Japan (dominator)

    to China( dominatee);( 3) when Japan lost the battle during the Second

    Sino-Japanese War, the magazine converted its content from rational analysis

    and review into perceptual spirit theory, tried to fight against Europe and

    America appealing to oriental cultural spirit, and resorted to using emotioninciting

    cultural and literary works as its main propaganda means.

      The development and content change of Dentsu Inc.’s Chinese magazine

    reflect how Japan explored political propaganda activities against China during

    the Second Sino-Japanese War. In other words, Dentsu Inc.’s magazine, after

    several episodes of edition revision and final publication suspension, could not promote

    the heartfelt exchange between China and Japan, and ended up in failure.

■2016年度秋季研究発表会 ワークショップ報告
■研究会の記録(2016年10月~2017年2月)
feedback
Top