While some state that“ the Tokyo-based national media pay little attention
to issues relating to U.S. military bases in Okinawa,” the conservatives argue
that the coverage of local media in Okinawa is unfair, focusing only on protests
against the stationing of the U.S. army. The gap between the national media
with headquarters in Tokyo and the Okinawa-based local media was created by
the different histories of both sides after the Pacific War. When the campaign
against the proposed revision of the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty surged in 1960,
the U.S. government acted not only on Japanese political and business leaders,
but also on the media to maneuver the silencing of criticism against the treaty
revision. They also moved their military bases from the Japanese mainland to
Okinawa and turned the eyes of the majority of Japanese citizens away from
issues concerning the treaty. Although the severe suppression of dissidents was
enforced in U.S.-occupied Okinawa, an immense surge of movement towards
the reversion of Okinawa to Japan took place and the 20-year-long struggle of
mass media in Okinawa against suppression resulted in their winning the freedom
of speech. While the local media have continued to protest against the concentration
of U.S. military bases that have persisted even after Okinawa’s
reversion to Japan in 1972, the Tokyo-based national mass media pays little
attention to issues related to the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty due to the effective
maneuvers of both the government of the United States and that of Japan to
hide the military-related issues between the two nations. It is still unforeseeable
that the gap between the local and national media will be narrowed.
The intensifying confrontation between the Shinzo Abe Cabinet and the
Governor of Okinawa Prefecture, Takeshi Onaga, as well as the heated political
argument concerning national security legislation, have stimulated anew the
interests of the Tokyo-based national media in the issues of the relocation of
Marine Corps Air Station Futenma. While the Abe Cabinet tries to forcefully
build a new military base in the Henoko coastal area in compensation for the
Air Station Futenma as proof of the strengthening of the Japan-U.S. military
alliance, the local Governor continues to appeal against the national government’s
plans. Media regarded as liberal are especially becoming more attentive to thevoices of people in Okinawa than they were before. The Abe Cabinet, however,
has put pressure on the media to manipulate its coverage, and it seems that the
approach of“ guessing the will of the Cabinet and hesitating to irritate them” is
beginning to prevail, which affects media coverage.
“U.S. Military Base Issues in Okinawa” refers to the issues and problems
caused by the presence of U.S. Military bases in Okinawa. People living in
Okinawa have been tormented by accidents and incidents caused by the U.S.
Army. The U.S.-Japan Status of Forces Agreement has prevented inhabitants
as well as national and local governments from taking effective action to solve
the problems caused by the U.S. Army. This article reports how the regional
newspaper“ Ryukyu Shimpo” has grappled with such issues and problems.
Right before the outbreak of the Pacific War, the then-Japanese government
forced “Ryukyu Shimpo” to be integrated with other papers into “Okinawa
Shimpo” as the single regional newspaper published in Okinawa. After
the integration, the newspaper cooperated with the government to fight the
war and played the part to raise the fighting sprits of inhabitants. The lesson
that people working for the newspaper learned from the experience during the
war was that “we must not write to help the government wage a war again.”
With this principle in mind, the journalists working for“ Ryukyu Shimpo” tackle
the issues concerning the presence of the U.S. Military bases. On the other
hand, the national government of Japan apparently learned how to successfully
control public opinion from its experience during the war period.
The suffering caused by the stationing of the U.S. Army began at the
moment when the Japanese government abandoned Okinawa and provided the
United States with the most southern prefecture in Japan as a military base in
exchange for the restoration of the sovereignty of mainland Japan. The message
issued by the Japanese emperor regarding the Okinawa War confirmed
that Okinawa was sacrificed for the restoration of Japan’s sovereignty. Even
after the U.S. government handed over Okinawa to the administration of Japan,the Japanese government requested that the U.S. government maintain their
military bases and that the U.S. keep them in Okinawa. This is why people in
Okinawa have been tormented by the problems that the U.S. Army causes.
“Ryukyu Shimpo” has repeatedly reported the issues and problems concerning
the U.S. bases. It constantly reports the unfairness and unjustness of
the U.S.-Japan Status of Forces Agreement and campaigns for its revision. The
national news media, however, are not so eager to report the issues in Okinawa
caused by the U.S. Military bases.
The current Abe Cabinet put the Act on the Protection of Specially Designated
Secrets into force, which is argued to have the consequences of shrinking
the activities of journalists. In Okinawa, journalists were exposed to pressure
from the national government. A notable incident occurred in which journalists
were detained at the site of their coverage of the Okinawa U.S. bases. While the
spirit of the Japanese Constitution that stipulates the renouncement of war is
faltering, the raison d’être of journalists are called into question.
Any journalist in Okinawa cannot avoid tackling such issues as the damages,
accidents, and incidents that took place during the Battle of Okinawa and
the 27-year-long occupation by the United States. The changes to ways of life
and the environment after Okinawa’s reversion to Japan are also major issues
that journalists must work to cover. June 23, the day when the Battle of
Okinawa ended in 1945, was designated as Okinawa Memorial Day by an
Okinawa Prefecture bylaw established in 1974 to remember and pray for the
victims of the Battle of Okinawa as well as to desire world-wide peace for all
time. Every year around Okinawa Memorial Day media organizations produce
special feature programs and articles regarding issues related to the U.S. occupation
and the presence of military bases. At major anniversary years commemorating
the end of the war or Okinawa’s reversion to Japan, like the 50th
anniversary of the war, almost every media organization runs year-long special
feature programs or articles. We often see a special team formed to work on
the feature programs and a journalist assigned to deeply and extensively cover
specific topics regarding the Battle of Okinawa and the stationing of the U.S.
Army in Okinawa. The number of programs aired and articles written regarding
such issues is enormous. However, many stories are still left untold.
There are many issues hard for the persons involved to tell and for journalists
to ask about even after the passing of many years since the war. Issues
concerning minorities are examples of such difficult topics. What happened to
mentally handicapped persons during the Battle of Okinawa? How about physically
handicapped persons and the patients of Hansen’s disease? It took more
than 70 years after the end of the war for journalists to review history from the
perspectives of the victims of sexual violence and mentally challenged persons
and reconsider the mental damages caused by the war and occupation. These
issues may not be new and may not have been unknown. However, these issues
have seldom been discussed and their amount of coverage has been extremely
limited, which may have had the consequence of hiding them from the public
eye. With the background that the Japanese government forcefully put forward
the plan to build a new base in Okinawa against the will of local inhabitants, the
author considers the Battle of Okinawa and the history of the U.S. occupation
from the viewpoints of minorities.
This paper aims to consider the role of local journalism from the positionality
of Okinawan newspapers concerning what is called “Okinawa Problem”
（Okinawa-mondai,）, especially problems related to the U.S. military base in
When a U.S. military helicopter crashed over Okinawa International University
in the summer of 2004, the accident was reported as a news event with
important and contrasting differences between the articles of mainland media
and Okinawan media. It can be considered that these differences were generated
by their different standards of news values and the differences in the positionality
of the event as news media.
In this paper, I try to explain the positionality and the role of Okinawan
local newspapers, namely Ryukyu Simpo and Okinawa Times, in taking up the
news event of the rape and murder of a woman by a U.S. military contractor
that occurred in the spring of 2016, and by analyzing the news reports, special
features, and editorials relating to the Okinawa mass protest rallies on June 19
against the vicious crime.
Results of my research show that both newspapers are positioned not only
as “agents” embodying and reflecting “the will of the people,” the sentiments
and thoughts of Okinawan people who have been forced to bear the heavy burden
of U.S. military bases, but also as “parties involved” standing on the same
side as the Okinawan people or sitting close together, by always reporting baserelated
problems like accidents, crimes, noise pollution, and environmental
destruction that affect their living space.
Emperor Hirohito’s radio announcement of the Japanese surrender on
August 15, 1945 was a mediated collective experience for mainland Japanese
people, but the Okinawan experience was different as a result of media deprivation.
On the same day, the U.S. Military Government of Okinawa announced
Japan’s defeat to local Okinawan leaders, handing out the Uruma Shimpo, a
handwritten Japanese language mimeograph prepared in a U.S. civilian camp.
The Uruma Shimpo headlined Japan’s acceptance of the Potsdam Declaration
as good news: “a long-waited peace finally came!” The Emperor’s rescript was
not published in the same issue, but on September 12 after the 9.2 Surrender
Ceremony on the U.S. Missouri between Japan and the Allied Powers. Based on
U.S. archives and the reconsideration of Okinawan memoires, this paper discusses
the U.S. occupation force’s strategic suppression of the presence of the
Japanese Emperor as a symbol in order to psychologically detach Okinawans as
part of their plan to separate Okinawa from mainland Japan. However, on September
12, the U.S. Military Government of Okinawa published the rescript for
the purpose of psychological warfare to effectively organize the U.S. mopping
up operations, targeting Japanese soldiers and local civilians who still showed
resistance. While the U.S. Military Government regarded the Uruma Shimpo as
their official newspaper for disseminating news regarding the Japanese surrender
to the Okinawan society without any civilian media, the Okinawans engaged in
its early production regarded it as their own newspaper. The Ryukyu Shimpo,
the successor of the Uruma Shimpo, documented the mimeograph days in a
corporate publication in 1973. Unable to fully record the experience in 1945
under U.S. censorship, the Okinawan press reported the media history after the
This study analyzes reports on the National Party Congress（ from the 13th
to the 18th） of China in the Yomiuri Shimbun and the Asahi Shimbun. Two categories
of reports,“ articles on the opening of the Party Congress” and“ a serial
article on the National Party Congress” are examined using Fairclough’s method
of genre analysis.
This study examined how “genre chains” and “genre mixing,” leading to
discourse over China’s one-party system, have changed over time. The Yomiuri
Shimbun and the Asahi Shimbun, which are said to have different political positions,
show the same tendency.
First,“ genre chains” from“ official documents” to“ expository arguments”
was confirmed in the articles on the “keynote political report” of the Party
Congress. It showed that the newspaper emphasized how to explain the report
instead of the report itself. In an “explanatory discussion” of a “keynote political
report,” there is a tendency to combine various genres such as“ official document,”“
interview,”“ news story,” etc. into new“ formats.” Due to this“ genre
mixing,” the functions of the original genres and the texts using them change.
Second, in the series of articles on the National Party Congress, the main
genre gradually changes from“ argument” to“ narrative.” More stories and episodes
were used to express the conflict between the one-party system and the
market economy, and the detailed description of facts increased in the “narra tive” genre. Along with these changes, the facts picked up in articles changed
from “reference material” to “grounds of an argument.” The author argued
that the above tendency amplified the risk that specific logic could become
fixed and the exclusion of the possibility of constructing other logic. Such a tendency
is presumed to be related to the lack of diversity of discussions about
Chinese society in recent years.
In this paper, we discuss the relationship between the identity of audiences
and their experiences of manga. Firstly, from a theoretical perspective, we discuss
the outcomes and problems of the constructivist view of audience research.
Secondly, we point out that the notion of narrative identity and the idea of
media as a resource is effective. In addition, we argue that the process of positioning
manga experiences as an element of audience’s narratives while they
talk about their life stories is effective. We analyzed the data by using the life
story method of dialogical constructionism. As a result of our analysis, we found
following findings: first, in the narration of manga experience related to identity,
manga experience was positioned in a certain role in an individual’s life story.
Secondly, the construction of the identity using the manga experience as a
resource was not done by an individual alone, but was carried out in participation
with others. Thirdly, the characteristics of manga as media were involved
in the construction of the narratives, specifically the fact that characters in
shonen manga are often shown in their growth into adults, that shojo manga
often includes transgender characters and that manga is made up of“ pictures
and words” so that it is easy to share and has a high level of communicability.
In contemporary society, media such as comics occupy an important position as
a resource for audience’s identities, and an accumulation of research on the subject
is required in the future.
This paper discusses the political propaganda activities of Japan against
China during the Second Sino-Japanese War by analyzing Dentsu Inc.’s Chinese
magazine from 1938 to 1944.
After the investigation and arrangement of the publication activities of
Dentsu Inc. during the Second Sino-Japanese War, this paper uncovers another
side of Dentsu Inc. that differs from its well-known identity as an advertising
company. On this basis, this paper analyzes the content of Dentsu Inc.’s Chinese
magazine in combination with its historical context. The content of the magazine
transformed from its original coverage of trade, economic reviews, and
comprehensive monthly reviews into that of a literary magazine. Its development
appears to show its transformation from a trade information magazine
unrelated to Japan’s national policy into a weapon for opinions and ideological
warfare. However, this magazine was designed with a definite propaganda
object and purpose since its first publication. The characteristics of the magazine
include:（ 1） duality of superficial Sino-Japan cooperation and domination by
Japanese；（2） magazine content in unilateral transmission from Japan （dominator）
to China（ dominatee）;（ 3） when Japan lost the battle during the Second
Sino-Japanese War, the magazine converted its content from rational analysis
and review into perceptual spirit theory, tried to fight against Europe and
America appealing to oriental cultural spirit, and resorted to using emotioninciting
cultural and literary works as its main propaganda means.
The development and content change of Dentsu Inc.’s Chinese magazine
reflect how Japan explored political propaganda activities against China during
the Second Sino-Japanese War. In other words, Dentsu Inc.’s magazine, after
several episodes of edition revision and final publication suspension, could not promote
the heartfelt exchange between China and Japan, and ended up in failure.