The term “disparate society” has taken a firm hold in the lexicon when

describing modern Japanese society. As social problems such as irregular

employment rates, poverty rates, and the percentage of people that are unmarried

continue to rise, the government has failed to formulate effective measures.

This study critically examines the conscious divisions in the minds of people

brought upon by the widening of disparities as a cause for the increasing distrust

in television by conducting a nationwide public opinion poll （October

2018） with a focus on the relationship between subjective class identification

and trust in television. The results demonstrated that although the age, region

of residence, size of the city of residence, and household income of poll respondents

do not impact the level of trust in television, people who self-identify as

members of the lower levels of society tend to have lower levels of trust in

television.

　Regarding the number one reason for trusting television, although the results of studies have shown that people trust television to provide accurate

information when their lives or livelihoods are at risk during disasters and accidents, questions have been raised regarding whether this trust in disaster

reporting is wavering. It has been demonstrated that distrust in television reporting in disaster-hit areas is growing due to the disparities between local

stations and leading stations based in Tokyo, as exemplified by the differences in the results of television reporting during the Kumamoto earthquakes that

occurred in April 2016 between local stations based in Kumamoto Prefecture and leading Tokyo stations, as well as the differences in discussion topics in the

reports covering the Fukushima Daiichi nuclear disaster that occurred in March 2011 between local stations based in Fukushima Prefecture and the leading Tokyo stations.

　Regarding the number one reason for trusting television, although the

results of studies have shown that people trust television to provide accurate

information when their lives or livelihoods are at risk during disasters and accidents,

questions have been raised regarding whether this trust in disaster

reporting is wavering. It has been demonstrated that distrust in television

reporting in disaster-hit areas is growing due to the disparities between local

stations and leading stations based in Tokyo, as exemplified by the differences

in the results of television reporting during the Kumamoto earthquakes that

occurred in April 2016 between local stations based in Kumamoto Prefecture

and leading Tokyo stations, as well as the differences in discussion topics in the

reports covering the Fukushima Daiichi nuclear disaster that occurred in

March 2011 between local stations based in Fukushima Prefecture and the leading Tokyo stations.

　Recent years have seen the emergence and continued evolution of an

unprecedented landscape of digital media products and platforms, mobile

devices, and distribution and consumption patterns. Triggered and accelerated

by digital innovation, these changes have given rise to new challenges for legacy media organizations, such as newspaper publishers. A transformation of the

newsroom has been underway in major publishers around the world. The Asahi

Shimbun, the second largest national daily in Japan, is no exception. This paper

is in the process of transforming itself into an integrated news organization（ i.e.,

one that publishes in both digital and print formats）. Reporters and editors are

expected to adapt their mindset and workflow and adopt new skills and roles in

line with audience-first journalism. Given this, we have set three goals: ⑴ to

serve targeted audiences with targeted content; ⑵ to publish on the platforms

used by the target audience; and ⑶ to produce and publish continuously to

meet audience needs. This requires a deeper, broader understanding of the target

audience, so the paper has developed Hotaru, a new editorial analytics dashboard

for the newsroom in 2016. An abbreviation of “in-HOuse Tool for Analyzing

and Reporting Users’ Activities,” Hotaru provides reporters and editors

with access to a rich source of real-time data, thereby helping them to develop

a better understanding of the impact of stories and the importance of audience

engagement. This new habit of looking at data is clearly helping to encourage

editorial experiments in the newsroom. For instance, if journalists want to

reach out to mothers for stories on parenting, they can strategically use LINE,

a messaging app that is popular among mothers. In this case, such stories are

shared and spread effectively through the mothers’ networks. In another successful

case, a reporter can, based on single coverage, file two types of stories

to meet the needs of two different target audience groups.

A number of past studies have addressed the racialized and gendered representations of people from Third World countries by examining the public fundraising and advocacy materials produced by development and human rights non-governmental organizations （NGOs）. These studies have highlighted the

fact that the history of colonialism and contemporary global material inequalities tend to be erased in the name of humanitarianism and by the victimization

of Third World women and children. However, since most of these studies have

focused on prominent international NGOs located in European countries and the

United States of America, the representational practices of Third World NGOs

are rarely discussed.

　　This paper aims to explore how gendered visual representations are

employed within the materials that Third World women’s NGOs produce for

the First World public by analyzing a photobook published on the Internet by a

Bangladeshi women’s NGO that provides support for the survivors of acid violence.

　　The results of a quantitative content analysis and a semiological analysis

have clarified that many of the female survivors portrayed in the photobook

overcame their suffering and achieved self-realization through inner spiritual

strength. However, the images of these survivors also contribute to the dominant

logic of global capitalism by depicting women smiling as they participate

in income-generating activities, rear children in their capacity as housewives in

nuclear families, and initiate family planning programs in rural communities. By

obscuring the complex global forces of economic globalization that have exacerbated

violence against women in the Third World, the photobook reproduces

the colonial relationship between Third World women and First World donor

agencies.

Defining “TV criticism” as a “negative reaction by viewers with respect to

TV content,” this study conducted an online survey of 520 male and female

adults in their 20s and 60s for two purposes. The first purpose was to examine

quantitatively various aspects of a TV program toward which viewers held a

critical attitude. The second was to examine the effects of the following five

factors on attitudes to TV criticism: 1） affinity toward TV content; 2） trust in

TV content; 3） estimated degree of impact of TV content on others; 4） amount

of time spent watching TV; and 5） types of frequently viewed TV programs.

　This study revealed that TV criticism can be divided into the following five

categories by conducting factor analysis: 1） criticism of a lack of neutrality and

fairness; 2） criticism of poor quality drama; 3） criticism of disrespectful and

imprudent content; 4） criticism of the promotion of crime and extremist expressions;

and 5） criticism of frivolous content. Furthermore, with respect to the

relationship between TV criticism and various factors, the study revealed that

the height of “estimating the impact of TV content on others” strongly influences

TV criticism even if the influence of other factors is controlled. This suggests

that estimating the impact of TV content on others has a robust effect as

a determinant of TV criticism.

　This study outlines the changes throughout history in press regulations in

the UK while examining their current state and aims to explore the problems

surrounding them. Primary sources are closely examined to clarify the following

three points. The first point covers the tradition of self-regulation by the

press continuing throughout the second half of the 20th century, and how these

self-regulatory bodies demonstrated that they were not able to sufficiently fulfill

their regulatory objectives. To address this problem, several press regulators

were formed, including GCP, PC, and PCC, which have now been reorganized

as IPSO and IMPRESS. The second point compares IPSO and IMPRESS, covering

their similarities such as their core organizational structures, standards, and

tasks, which are mostly the same, while also covering the differences such as

methods of regulation（ IPSO is a reformed version of PCC based on purely selfregulatory

methods, while IMPRESS imposes co-regulation approved under

Royal Charter）, membership rates in the press （IPSO has many members,

while IMPRESS has few）, financial resources （IPSO is fully funded by members,

while IMPRESS relies on donations）, and the degree of autonomy and

effectiveness （IPSO is somewhat substandard, while IMPRESS maintains high

standards）. The third point covers how the press regulatory bodies should be

integrated into IPSO in consideration of the consistency in regulation, constitutional principles regarding freedom of press, and the tradition of press self-regulation,

but in order to avoid the failures of past regulatory bodies, it is crucial to

ensure its autonomy （such as by reviewing the authority of the RFC） and

effectiveness （such as by rationalising standards of investigation and financial

penalty systems）

Based on J. Gaines’ discussion of “political mimesis,” this paper examines

how Japanese television documentaries in the 60s handled the provocative

power communicated by images of struggles arising from protest movements.

Gaines’ theory is often mentioned as an independent documentary methodology

that encourages viewers to take political action. In contrast, this paper focuses

on TV documentaries’ specific treatment of provocative political mimesis

among the various broadcasting circumstances. In this media environment, this

type of biased approach was not easily allowed due to the existence of ethical

regulations such as the “equal time” rule. Consequently, this prompted filmmakers

of the time to create alternative methods for representing political images

in their works. Through this argument, this paper aims to illustrate a historical

change to the 60s documentary media environment under the emergence of

television culture and a new way for documentaries to address political issues.

　　This paper mostly addresses two themes. The first theme is related to a

dispute concerning NHK documentaries that displayed protests over the Treaty

of Mutual Cooperation and Security between the United States and Japan

（known as the ANPO protests） in 1960. Foreshadowing Gaines’ argument, the

disputers indeed confronted the provocation of these images to manage its

impact within the broadcasting media environment. The second theme is

related to the audio-visual methodologies that were used in a few TV documentaries

with respect to such protest issues around that time. Introducing R. Williams’

view of the history of media, which reveals a socio-technological shift in

communication, this analysis investigates how far the documentary producers

and their approaches inclined toward a broadcasting-style concept and method ology.

　　The results of this analysis show that almost all of the TV documentaries

that addressed protest issues were commonly produced in accordance with

broadcasting circumstances that put more weight on information distribution

than political agitation. However, these documentaries did not dispel political

mimesis from their representation at all. They used it alternatively together

with dexterous methodologies aimed at spontaneously fostering an understanding

of social issues and political awareness inside the minds of the viewers.

South Korea’s memory of its colonial past still forms an important part of

the agenda in Japan-South Korea relations. The press coverage for South Korea’s

Independence Movement Day on March 1 and Liberation Day on August 15

has played an extremely important role in spreading such sentiments among

the Korean public. However, past studies have not examined the features of the

press coverage for these anniversaries, changes to these features, or the impact

that Japan-South Korea relations have had on these anniversary press. This

paper clarifies the features of the press coverage for these anniversaries based

on an analysis of the editorials and special articles published in the Chosun Ilbo

and Donga Ilbo newspapers after the end of the Korean War. It also examines

how these features have appeared and changed in light of the restoration of

diplomatic ties between Japan and South Korea. The research results revealed

the following findings. In the 1950s, the press coverage for the March 1 anniversary

was perceived as “anniversary based on nationhood” and it mainly focused

on the memory of colonial rule. In contrast, the press coverage for the August

15 anniversary was perceived as an “anniversary based on statehood” and it

mainly focused on the development of the state （i.e., the Republic of Korea）.

Later, when the restoration of diplomatic ties between Japan and South Korea

was about to be realized in the 1960s, these differences evolved into two different

types of behavior: ⑴ an emphasis on the significance of the memory of the country’s colonial past and ⑵ an emphasis on contemporary problems associated

with statehood, such as economic growth or poverty. However, after the

restoration of diplomatic ties was concluded in 1965, the memory of colonial

rule also became a significant part of the agenda for the August 15 anniversary

in the sense of avoiding the possibility of this restoration leading to a re-subordination

to Japan. In conclusion, the country’s memory of its colonial past was

set as an essential part of the agenda for relations with Japan in press coverage

for the March 1 and August 15 anniversaries by the restoration of diplomatic

ties between Japan and South Korea.

This study verifies three cases that have become major social issues （i.e.,　the falsification of decision documents related to the sale of state-owned land to　Moritomo Gakuen, the concealment of consultation　documents related to the　establishment of a new department of Kake Gakuen, and the concealment of　daily reports from the Self-Defense Force units involved in United Nations　peacekeeping operations in South Sudan）. Furthermore, it clarifies current　problems and future challenges related to the system of public records management　and information disclosure.

　　The results of this study indicate that six problems can be identified in the　system of public records management and information disclosure. The first　problem is that the relevant administrative bodies do not necessarily prepare　the documents that should be prepared. The second problem is that the file　management of such documents is inadvertently or deliberately inappropriate.　The third problem is that these bodies can arbitrarily discard documents by　setting the retention period to less than one year. The fourth problem is that　these bodies can easily hide documents by positioning them as personal notes.The fifth problem is that these bodies can refuse to disclose documents because　they are classified as non-disclosure information. The sixth problem is that　there is no mechanism for preventing the falsification of documents.

　　To resolve these problems, it is necessary to revise the Public Records　Management Act and the Access to Government Information Act by, for example,　making the creation, storage, and publication of public documents mandatory　and establishing penalties for any violation of this requirement.